CFIUS Changes in 2020: Q&A with Danish Hamid of DLA Piper

Danish Hamid focuses his practice in the corporate practice of DLA Piper, working on cross-border transactions and regulatory compliance.  With this focus he has led over 250 transaction reviews with the Committee on Foreign Investment in the United States (CFIUS). Hamid authored the CFIUS chapter in the ABA’s Aerospace Defense Industries Year in Review, and he lends his expertise to the NLR to answer a few questions on changes to CFIUS in 2020; specifically, the agency’s website including a space for the public to provide tips on unreported transactions.

Read on for Hamid’s insights:

CFIUS has been empowered by the Department of the Treasury with more staff and funding to monitor transactions not voluntarily reported. What does this mean for companies who are involved or accepting foreign investment?

The fact that CFIUS is devoting greater resources and budget towards monitoring non-notified transactions means that CFIUS may ask parties involved in those deals to explain why they did not submit a filing to CFIUS. If that explanation is not compelling, CFIUS may direct them to submit a filing and possibly apply a more rigorous review standard with respect to that filing. CFIUS may also impose a civil penalty on the parties (in some cases up to the value of the investment itself) if they did not file mandatory filing on their own initiative prior to closing if one was otherwise required. Relevant regulations permit CFIUS to impose that penalty on any transaction party that violates the mandatory filing requirement. Given these circumstances, transaction parties conduct CFIUS due diligence reviews to determine whether their deals will trigger a mandatory CFIUS filing or merit a voluntary submission to CFIUS.

CFIUS had an increased jurisdiction scope under FIRRMA in January of 2020. What impact has this had on the landscape in the intervening months?

CFIUS’s expanded jurisdiction under FIRRMA has caused more transaction parties to consider whether their deals trigger a filing. We have also observed an increase in the number of filings with CFIUS.

CFIUS has set up a webpage to accept tips and other information from the public on transactions not reported to the agency–how does this change the landscape?  Is it important for companies to be aware of this formalizing of a previously informal process? 

The fact that CFIUS is now actively seeking public tips on non-notified transactions is a relevant factor that transaction parties will need to evaluate when deciding whether to submit a CFIUS filing. There is a risk that CFIUS may receive public tips from a variety of sources such as disgruntled employees of US target companies or competitors to foreign investors in or acquirers of US businesses.

On Friday, Aug. 14, 2020, the president signed an EO demanding the unwinding of a Chinese company’s acquisition of what would become TikTok–in your opinion, is this a sign of things to come?  What does this indicate about the current landscape of CFIUS and transactions with companies with access to American’s personal data?

It may be early to conclude if this is a sign of things to come. However, it has certainly captured the attention of CFIUS practitioners. Of course, separate from the EO, FIRRMA and recent regulations already made it fairly clear that CFIUS is interested in foreign investments in certain US companies that maintain or access sensitive data regarding US citizens.

Do you anticipate any major changes with CFIUS as we get closer to the election?

Yes, we anticipate further regulatory developments impacting CFIUS. Just recently, the Treasury Department issued new regulations that will go into effect on October 15th and have the potential of expanding the circumstances that trigger mandatory CFIUS filings. Those new rules seek to better align the CFIUS regime with US export controls by requiring parties to submit a mandatory CFIUS filing with respect to certain foreign investments in or acquisitions of US businesses involved with critical technologies for which a US regulatory authorization would otherwise be required.


Copyright ©2020 National Law Forum, LLC
For more articles on CFIUS, visit the National Law Review Antitrust & Trade Regulation section.

California Court of Appeal Rules that Challenge to Google’s Confidentiality Agreements May Proceed Past the Pleading Stage

On September 21, 2020, in a published 2-1 opinion in Doe v. Google Inc., the California Court of Appeal (Dist. 1, Div. 4), permitted three current and former Google employees to proceed with their challenge of Google’s confidentiality agreement as unlawfully overbroad and anti-competitive under the California Private Attorneys General Act (“PAGA”) (Lab. Code § 2698 et seq.).  In doing so, the Court of Appeal reversed the trial court’s order sustaining Google’s demurrer on the basis of preemption by the National Labor Relations Act (“NLRA”) (29 U.S.C. § 151 et seq.) under San Diego Bldg. Trades Council v. Garmon359 U.S. 236, 244–245 (1959).  The court held that while the plaintiffs’ claims relate to conduct arguably within the scope of the NLRA, they fall within the local interest exception to Garmon preemption and may therefore go forward.  It remains to be seen whether plaintiffs will be able to sustain their challenges to Google’s confidentiality policies on the merits.  However, Doe serves as a reminder to employers to carefully craft robust confidentiality agreements, particularly in the technology sector, in anticipation of potential challenges employees may make to those agreements.

Google requires its employees to sign various confidentiality policies.  The plaintiffs brought a lawsuit challenging these policies on the basis that they restricted their speech in violation of California law.  Specifically, the plaintiffs alleged 17 claims that fell into three subcategories based on Google’s confidentiality policies: restraints of competition, whistleblowing and freedom of speech.  The claims were brought under PAGA, a broad California law that provides a private right of action to “aggrieved employees” for any violation of the California Labor Code.  PAGA claims are brought on a representative basis—with the named plaintiffs deputized as private attorneys general—to recover penalties on behalf of all so-called “aggrieved employees,” typically state-wide, with 75% of such penalties being paid to the State and 25% to the “aggrieved employees” if the violation is proven (or a court-approved settlement is reached).

In their competition causes of action plaintiffs alleged that Google’s confidentiality rules violated Business & Professions Code sections 17200, 16600, and 16700 as well as various Labor Code provisions by preventing employees from using or disclosing the skills, knowledge, and experience they obtained at Google for purposes of competing with Google.  The court noted that section 16600 “evinces a settled legislative policy in favor of open competition and employee mobility” that has been “instrumental in the success of California’s technology industry.”  The plaintiffs complained that Google’s policies prevented them from negotiating a new job with another employer, disclosing who else works at Google, and under what circumstances the employee may be receptive to an offer from a rival employer.

With respect to their whistleblowing claims, the plaintiffs alleged that Google’s confidentiality rules prevent employees from disclosing violations of state and federal law, either within Google to their managers or outside Google to private attorneys or government officials in violation of Business & Professions Code section 17200 et seq. and Labor Code section 1102.5.  Similarly, it is alleged that the policies ostensibly prevented employees from disclosing information about unsafe or discriminatory working conditions, a right afforded to them under the Labor Code.

In their freedom of speech claims, plaintiffs alleged that Google’s confidentiality rules prevent employees from engaging in lawful conduct during non-work hours and violate state statutes entitling employees to disclose wages, working conditions, and illegal conduct under various Labor Code provisions.  The employees argued this conduct could be writing a novel about working in Silicon Valley or to even reassure their parents they are making enough money to pay their bills—i.e., matters seemingly untethered to a legitimate need for confidentiality.

While Google’s confidentiality rules contain a savings clause—confirming Google’s rules were not meant to prohibit protected activity—the plaintiffs argued that the clauses were meaningless and not implemented in its enforcement of its confidentiality agreements.

Google demurred to the entire complaint, and the trial court sustained the demurrer as to plaintiffs’ confidentiality claims, agreeing that the NLRA preempted such claims.

On appeal, the Court of Appeal recognized that the NLRA serves as a “comprehensive law governing labor relations [and] accordingly, ‘the NLRB has exclusive jurisdiction over disputes involving unfair labor practices, and “state jurisdiction must yield’ when state action would regulate conduct governed by the NLRA.  (Garmon, [supra, 359 U.S.] at pp. 244-245.)”  But the court cautioned that NLRA preemption under Garmon cannot be applied in a “mechanical fashion,” and its application requires scrutiny into whether the activity in questions is a “merely peripheral concern” of the NLRA or where the “regulated conduct touche[s] interests so deeply rooted” in state and local interests.

In analyzing the federal and state issues at state, the Court of Appeal found that several of the statutes undergirding plaintiffs’ PAGA claims did not sound in principles of “mutual benefit” that are the foundation of the NLRA but protected the plaintiff’s activities as individuals.  The court cited several examples, including Labor Code section 242 prohibition of employers preventing employees from disclosing the amount of his or her wages (a statute enacted to prevent sex discrimination) and Labor Code section 232.5, prohibiting an employee from disclosing information about the employer’s working conditions (manifesting California’s policy to prohibit restrictions on speech regarding conditions of employment).  The court likewise found that the NLRA did not protect much of the activity prohibited by the statutes that supported plaintiffs’ PAGA claims, noting that the NLRA did not prohibit rules inhibiting employees from seeking new employment and competing with Google, as plaintiffs alleged Google’s confidentiality rules did.  It further does not protect whistleblowing activity unconnected to working conditions, such as violations of securities law, false claims laws, and other laws unrelated to terms and conditions of employment.

Nevertheless, the court held that, regardless of diverging purposes of the NLRA and the laws that support the plaintiffs’ PAGA claims, plaintiffs’ claims fall squarely in the local interest exception to NLRA preemption.  Where an employer’s policies are arguably prohibited by the NLRA, the local interest exception to NLRA preemption applies when (1) there is a “significant state interest” in protecting the citizen from the challenged conduct, and (2) the exercise of state jurisdiction entails “little risk of interference” with the NLRB’s regulatory function.  The court found no difficulty in determining that an action under PAGA, where the plaintiffs are serving as a “proxy or agent of the state’s labor law enforcement agencies” grows from “deeply-rooted local interests” in regulating wages, hours, and other terms of employment.  It also found that a state’s enforcement of its minimum employment standards, particularly in relation to the plaintiffs claims in this case, were peripheral to the NLRA’s purpose of safeguarding, first and foremost, workers’ rights to join unions and engage in collective bargaining.  Thus, the court held, there was no basis for NLRA preemption in this case.

Particularly in light of this opinion, employers who require employees to execute confidentiality agreements with their employees should be cognizant of the myriad of ways that they can be challenged.  As in the case of Doe v. Google, Inc., such challenges may not be just from individuals bringing claims in their own capacity, but as private attorneys general bringing representative claims on behalf of all California employees.  Nor can NLRA preemption be mechanically applied to preempt claims based upon such agreements.  Employers would be well-advised to review their existing confidentiality agreements and consult experienced counsel before revising or rolling out such agreements.


Copyright © 2020, Sheppard Mullin Richter & Hampton LLP.
For more articles on labor law, visit the National Law Review Labor & Employment section.

Lawsuits for Illegal Strip Searches

DETROIT — Strip searches are routinely performed by law enforcement officers of all types. This ranges from police to prison guards, as well as to TSA agents at airports in the United States.

Private security guards also perform strip searches, including in malls and retail stores.

While some strip searches are legal, others violate the person’s constitutional rights. In general, people have a reasonable expectation of privacy.

A public officer or private guard cannot simply conduct a strip search without a proper legal basis. When an illegal strip search occurs, the victim can file a lawsuit seeking compensation for the violation of protected rights.

The basis for most illegal strip search lawsuits is a violation of the Fourth Amendment of the U.S. Constitution. The text of the Fourth Amendment states:

“The right of the people to be secure in their persons, houses, papers, and effects, against unreasonable searches and seizures, shall not be violated, and no warrants shall issue, but upon probable cause, supported by oath or affirmation, and particularly describing the place to be searched, and the persons or things to be seized.”

The key words in the Fourth Amendment as it relates to an unlawful search are “unreasonable” and “probable cause.” Probable cause is a higher standard than reasonable suspicion. An officer does not have the right to search a person simply because there was a basis for stopping that person. In fact, most illegal strip searches are performed on people who are legitimately stopped or apprehended, but there is no legal basis to perform a subsequent search.

The main requirement is if the person being searched had a reasonable or legitimate expectation of privacy. Probable cause is required only when there is a reasonable expectation of privacy. When a search is disputed, what is “reasonable” is often determined by a judge or jury.

There are often even disputes as to what constitutes a strip search in the first place.

Different parties often have varying definitions of what constitutes a strip search. And, the context of each type of search may vary from one person to another.

For example, a prison guard performing a strip search may have one definition in mind that involves a physical search of the inmate’s body.  Others may have broader definitions as to what they define as a strip search.  Case law, both state and federal, have examined a variety of situations and fact patterns and their decisions form the basis of what is legal and what is not.

Some case law holds that complete nudity is required to be constituted as a strip search. Other cases hold that it is a lesser degree, and that a strip search can be illegal without the person being totally naked. There are many cases that also address the degree of the search itself and how invasive it is on the person being searched. This can vary on the type of crime suspected and the urgency to perform the search to preserve potential evidence against the person.

There have been many illegal strip search lawsuits filed throughout the United States. Most are based upon violations of the Fourth Amendment when asserted against a governmental agency, or person acting on behalf of the government. Other claims are brought under an invasion of privacy theory, and this theory is frequently used in cases against private individuals and entities.

In addition, there have been several class action lawsuits filed by prisoners and inmates at correctional facilities.   These cases allege that a large number of inmates were illegal searched by prison staff and correction officers. Several of these lawsuits have resulted in substantial class action settlements, including a $ 53 million settlement against Los Angeles County for illegal strip searches of thousands of women by law enforcement personnel.

Individual lawsuits seek compensatory damages for the harm suffered by the victim.  This includes both physical pain and suffering as well as mental anguish. The damages inflicted upon the victim often cause serious and permanent psychological harm.

Lawsuits hold the wrongdoers accountable for violating a person’s constitutional rights.  They also serve as a deterrence to future unlawful actions.  This helps to protect every person’s right to be free from an unlawful search and curbs systematic illegal actions of law enforcement.

Sources:

https://www.law.umich.edu/facultyhome/margoschlanger/Documents/Publications/Jail_Strip-Search_Cases.pdf

https://buckfirelaw.com/case-types/sexual-abuse/illegal-strip-search/

https://www.aclu.org/blog/criminal-law-reform/reforming-police/supreme-court-says-jails-can-strip-search-you-even-traffic

https://www.americanbar.org/groups/crsj/publications/human_rights_magazine_home/2013_vol_39/may_2013_n2_privacy/upending_human_dignity_fourth_amendment/


Buckfire & Buckfire, P.C. 2020
For more articles on the Fourth Amendment, visit the National Law Review Constitutional Law section.

Grin and Barrett– Judge that Wrote Ruling Narrowly Interpreting TCPA’s ATDS Definition Sworn In to SCOTUS Ahead of Big Facebook TCPA Challenge

Well, its official

Former Judge Amy Coney Barrett– previously of the Seventh Circuit Court of Appeals– is now Justice Amy Coney Barrett of the US Supreme Court.

Whatever you may think of the GOP moving forward with this nomination in the shadow of the election, this is a great day for callers and advocates of a narrow TCPA read.

You already know the headline: in her previous role on the Seventh Circuit Court of Appeals, then-Judge Barrett had written a critical opinion addressing the TCPA’s ATDS definition and determined that the TCPA only applies to random or sequential number dialers, thus legalizing the vast majority of so-called “robocalls” in the Seventh Circuit footprint and freeing callers from one of the worst-written statute in American history.

Now as a Supreme Court Justice, one of Barrett’s first challenges will be to decipher the precise same portion of the precise same statute as part of Facebook’s huge SCOTUS appeal of the TCPA’s ATDS definition.

At issue, of course, is whether the TCPA applies to any call made “automatically” from a list of stored numbers or only those dialers that have the capacity to dial randomly or sequentially.  As I have explained recently, this is a classic “pathos vs logos” situation-– the statute plainly seems to require random or sequential number generation, yet the near universal disdain for robocalls might lead to a results-based analysis (of the sort the Supremes just engaged in to save this same statute a mere three months ago)

In our latest episode of the insanely popular Unprecedented [VIDEO] Podcast I had the opportunity to ask Plaintiff’s lead counsel- Sergei Lemberg–how he felt about arguing this critical issue back to the exact same Judge who ruled on this very issue in Gadelhak.  You’ll get to hear his answer TOMORROW right here.

The ascension of Justice Barrett is just the latest in a string of seesaw developments in the TCPA ATDS saga, with momentum swinging wildly in favor of one side or the other these last three months. The latest big development was the arrival of Bryan Garner– co-author with Justice Scalia (Justice Barrett’s mentor) of Reading Law, one of the most persuasive works on statutory interpretation– onto the consumer lawyer’s team urging an expansive read of the TCPA. And, of course, just last week nearly 40 state AGs likewise joined the fray in favor of an expansive TCPA read.

But with Justice Barrett arriving on the bench is Facebook now playing with a stacked deck? Certainly Justice Barrett–having already spoken on this issue–has a clear and obvious lean. Yet the trendy Beltway mistrust for “Big Tech” coupled with the fact that the Conservative wing of the Court (now its majority) previously split on whether to keep the TCPA on the books, suggest that this result might not yet be baked.

It all adds up to high drama in the high stakes TCPAWorld ATDS battle.


© Copyright 2020 Squire Patton Boggs (US) LLP
For more articles on the TCPA, visit the National Law Review Communications, Media & Internet section.

Which Way will the House Go? Democratic or Even More Democratic?

As we head towards the election on November 3, 2020, the question is not whether the US House of Representatives will remain in the hands of the Democrats. Polling suggests that is a near certainty. The question is by what margin they will control the chamber. Democrats currently control 232 seats, while Republicans control 197 seats, with one independent and five vacant seats. The number of seats controlled by Democrats in the 117th Congress has significant implications for Democrats’ ability to forward their agenda, especially if they are also in control of the White House and the US Senate.

Below we take a look at a few of the structural forces at play in the House elections and identify key races to watch on election night.

The Uphill Challenge for Republicans

On election night 2016, Republicans controlled 241 seats in the House. The 2018 election went disastrously for Republicans as they lost control of the House for the first time since 2010. A Republican return to control two years later was always going to be an uphill battle. The last time a party regained control of the House a mere two years after losing it was in 1956 when Democrats retook the House.

House Republicans are going into the cycle with 31 of their members retiring. By comparison, Democrats have only 12 members retiring. The incumbency advantage in House races has traditionally been significant. With Republicans having to defend 31 open seats while trying to win back enough seats to retake the House, the proposition of a productive election night becomes all the more challenging.

The Challenge (and Opportunity) For Democrats

Since the 1994 Republican takeover ended 40 years of Democratic rule of the House, we have seen three change elections: 2006, 2010 and 2018. A change election occurs when the minority party flips a significant number of seats previously held by the majority party. The challenge for the new majority party after winning a change election is to keep those seats from immediately flipping back to the other party in the next election. This is one of the key challenges that House Democrats face on November 3. In order to keep their majority, Democrats must hold seats that Republicans won in 2016 with Donald Trump at the top of the ticket.

Democrats are also attempting to expand the electoral playing field with competitive candidates in as many of the seats being vacated by retiring Republicans as possible. This will allow Democrats to potentially grow their majority.

A Time Zone Approach to Reading Election Night

Below are 24 seats that will be important for deciding party control and margin in the House. They are currently evenly divided between Democrats and Republicans, 12 to 12. The charts below are divided by time zone for your convenience as you follow along on election night.

The Democratic seats are predominantly held by incumbents seeking reelection for the first time with President Trump at the top of the ticket. Democrats’ ability to hold these seats is critical to growing their margin in the House. If Democrats lose these seats while not picking up Republican seats, it will be a very bad night for the Democrats.

The Republican seats are a combination of incumbents seeking reelection and open seats. If Republicans lose these races in states such as California, Pennsylvania and New York, it may be indicative of a defeat at the top of the ticket hurting the party down the ballot.

Time Zone Chart

How Much Does Margin Matter in the House?

It goes without saying that the margin in the House matters—but how much? It really comes down to the ideological diversity within the majority. If the majority party has 225 members who vote in ideological lockstep, then it doesn’t matter whether the majority party ultimately has 235, 255 or 275 votes in the House.

Ideological diversity is better understood in terms of a bell curve. On one tail of the curve are members who are more ideologically strident and represent districts that support their position: the far left or far right of the party. On the other tail of the curve are members who represent toss-up districts and who, regardless of their personal ideology, must be more careful with their votes. The vast majority of the party may be largely in ideological agreement with their more strident members but are willing to make compromises to achieve policy outcomes that protect members in toss-up districts. The difficulty governing in the House comes when the members in toss-up districts and/or the strident members are too numerous and refuse to vote for any compromise.

When the ideologically strident members refuse to compromise, we call that the John Boehner problem. When Speaker Boehner led a Republican majority with 234 members but faced a far-right flank of 25 members committed to opposing all legislation that wasn’t exactly what they wanted, it effectively limited his ability to lead the House. In the latter part of his speakership, Boehner regularly had to make compromises with the Democrats that gave the minority vastly more influence in the final legislation than they typically command.

In 2009, Democrats had 257 seats in the House and still struggled to secure 218 votes to pass the Affordable Care Act. The problem then was too many members from toss-up seats and too many members who were not as far left ideologically as the majority of their caucus. The current Democratic majority of 232 is arguably less ideologically diverse than the larger 2009 majority.

With a robust progressive agenda on the table for 2021, Democrats may face the challenge of garnering sufficient support on critical legislation from the ideologically strident members who may be reluctant to compromise.

The margin will still matter significantly if Democrats control the White House, the Senate and the House and seek to move major progressive legislation. The effort to get to 218 votes will always be a challenge. Democrats will have to meet that challenge while satisfying the vast sweep of their majority and their more ideologically strident members. Doing so will be easier if there are 255 Democrats as opposed to 245 Democrats in the House.in the aftermath of the general election, which will make the politics of that vote an event unto itself.


© 2020 McDermott Will & Emery
For more articles on the election, visit the National Law Review Election Law / Legislative News section.

Louis Vuitton Playing Chess or Checkers? The CJEU Annuls’ The Invalidation of Louis Vuitton EU Trademark

Louis Vuitton received a favorable decision from the EU General Court (“General Court”) in June 2020 which may assist brand owners seeking IP protection of their decorative patterns. The decision confirms the distinctive character an EU trade mark must possess in order to benefit from protection throughout the EU as well as highlighting how patterns may be protected through registration as a trade mark rather than under other forms of IP protection such as copyright or design protection. However, the decision also reaffirmed the EU’s strict approach to assessing the unitary character of EU trade marks, which potentially sets a high bar for applicants to clear.

Background

In 2008, Louis Vuitton had obtained EU trade mark protection for the mark displayed below, the Damier Azur mark, in relation to class 18 goods including luggage, bags and leather goods. In 2015 a Polish individual, Norbert Wisniewski, challenged the validity of the mark by filing an application for invalidity with the EUIPO.

 

 

The ‘Damier Azur’ mark

In 2016 the Cancellation Division of the EUIPO declared Louis Vuitton’s trade mark invalid under Article 59(1)(a) of the EU Trade Mark Regulation (“EUTMR”) on the grounds that the mark was devoid of any distinctive character in line with Article 7(b) of the EUTMR. The Cancellation Division did not agree with Louis Vuitton’s claim that the mark had acquired distinctiveness through its use. Louis Vuitton then took its claim to the EUIPO Second Board of Appeal who also dismissed their claim and agreed with the Cancellation Division.

General Court

In 2019 the matter was appealed to the General Court of the CJEU and Louis Vuitton put forward two main arguments that:

  1. the Second Board of Appeal had incorrectly assessed the inherent distinctive character of the Damier Azur mark as the Board had relied on ‘well-known facts’ to supplement the arguments presented by Mr Wisniewksi in the absence of any concrete and substantial evidence for a declaration of invalidity; and
  2. the Board of Appeal had failed to carry out an overall assessment of the Damier Azur mark and had therefore erred in its assessment of the distinctive character acquired through use of the mark.

With regard to point one, the General Court considered that the Board of Appeal had relied upon a number of well-known facts in its decision including how the chequerboard pattern of the mark was a commonplace figurative pattern, which is permissible. The General Court determined that the Board had been correct in its finding that the mark was a basic and a commonplace pattern that did not depart significantly from the norms of the sector and that this was a well-known fact within the meaning of case law. The first argument was therefore rejected.

As to argument two, the General Court inferred that the Board of Appeal had focused on evidence which expressly referred to a specific set of Member States and had excluded other evidence without conducting any further analysis on said evidence. The General Court determined that the excluded evidence did contribute to the arguments put forward by Louis Vuitton concerning the acquired distinctiveness of the mark including the widespread use of the mark across the whole of the EU and the market shares held by the mark in each Member State. The General Court thus found that the Board of Appeal had failed to sufficiently take into account the distinctive character of the mark in relation to the goods and services for which it is registered.

Takeaway points

The decision by the General Court reaffirms the wide scope of evidence and rigorous determination that must be followed by the courts and IP administrative bodies. The General Court also emphasized the need for a mark to be distinctive throughout the whole of the EU rather than just across a defined set of Member States, which is often a high threshold for applicants to meet (as seen in the Kit Kat case, among others). Although the General Court did annul the decision of the Second Board of Appeal on the basis of an error in the full assessment of the evidence, it is still not yet fully clear whether Louis Vuitton’s excluded evidence would be sufficient to prove the required distinctiveness of the mark as the General Court made no comment on this point. This is an intriguing space to follow and we will keep you updated as the case progresses.


Copyright 2020 K & L Gates
For more articles on IP law, visit the National Law Review Intellectual Property section.

Court Affirmed Finding That Testator Had Capacity To Execute A Will, Was Not Unduly Influenced, And That The Appointment of Co-Executors Was Appropriate

In In the Estate of Flarity, a son of the testator challenged the trial court’s probating of a 2004 will and the appointment of two of his siblings, named in that will, as executors. No. 09-19-00089-CV, 2020 Tex. App. LEXIS 7536 (Tex. App.—Beaumont September 17, 2020, no pet. history). The contestant alleged that the testator did not have mental competence. The court of appeals disagreed. The court first addressed the standard for mental competency challenges:

In reviewing evidence addressing a testator’s capacity, we focus on the condition of the testator’s mind on the day the testator executed the will. Under Texas law, whether a testator has the testamentary capacity hinges on the condition of the testator’s mind the day the testator executed her will. Thus, the proponents of the will must prove that, when the testator signed the will, she could understand: the business in which she was engaged, the nature and extent of her property, the persons to whom she meant to devise and bequeath her property, the persons dependent on her bounty, the mode of distribution that she elected to choose among her beneficiaries, a sufficient memory so she could collect the elements of the business she wanted to transact and hold it in mind long enough to allow her to perceive the relationship between property and how she wanted to dispose of it, all so she could form reasonable judgments about doing those things.

Id. Applying those legal principals, the court held that the evidence was sufficient to support the trial court’s finding that the testator had capacity. There was testimony from the two children that were executors that the testator knew what she was doing. The contestant relied on his own testimony that the testator suffered from recurring depression many times in her life, including 2004. The court held:

But there is no expert testimony showing Paula was clinically depressed. There are not medical records in evidence that support Joe’s claim. While Joe argues Paula was not being treated for her condition in 2004, he never established that she was suffering from depression that year, as the parties never developed evidence about whether Paula was or was not seeing doctors at any time for any reasons at a time relevant to the day Paula signed the will. Furthermore, even Joe and Becky never testified that Paula told them at any time in 2004 that she was being treated for depression.

Id. Further, the court held that the testator had a reason for her will and there was no evidence that the executors influenced her:

Generally, the evidence admitted in the trial reflects that Paula chose to give her children a percentage share of her estate based on how much time they spent with her as she aged. Joe does not contend the evidence shows he spent more time with Paula than his siblings. Nor does he suggest that Paula miscalculated how much time he spent with her when compared with his siblings. Instead, Joe argues that Wes and Merrie obtained a larger share because they spent more time with her. That may be true, but that evidence does not show that Merrie and Wes used their influence to get Paula to change her will in a way that favored them during a period that Paula could not freely make that decision on her own.

Id.

Finally, the court of appeals affirmed the trial court’s appointment of the co-executors. The court stated the legal standard as:

When a testator nominates a person to be the executor of her will, the law requires the probate court to appoint that person to that office unless one of the enumerated exceptions in the Estates Code applies. The exceptions allow the probate court to choose someone else other than the person the testator named if the person the testator named renounces the appointment, or the evidence shows the person is “not qualified,” statutorily disqualified, or “unsuitable” for the office. Since the Estates Code requires probate courts to appoint the person the testator nominated in her will absent one of the listed exceptions, Joe was required to prove in the trial that Wes and Merrie were not qualified, statutorily disqualified, or unsuitable for the office. Thus, since Joe is attacking an adverse finding on which he had the burden of proof in the trial, he “must demonstrate on appeal that the evidence establishes, as a matter of law, all vital facts in support of the issue.” To do that, he must show the evidence before the probate court conclusively shows one of the enumerated exceptions to the provisions requiring probate courts to appoint the person the testator designated applies

Id. The court held that evidence from the contestant of hostility was not sufficient to show that the co-executors were not suitable. The court also held that the fact that one of the co-executors let her son live a home owned by the estate without the payment of rent was not a conflict as that could be viewed as a benefit to the estate (having someone protect and upkeep estate property) and that the co-executor was a part owner of the home and had the right to have her son live there without paying rent (in the absence of an objection co-owner). The court of appeals affirmed the trial court in all things.

© 2020 Winstead PC.
For more articles on wills, visit the the National Law Review Estates & Trusts section.

“Ban the Box” Update: St. Louis Enacts Ordinance; California and Hawaii Expand Existing Laws

Under the St. Louis ban the box Ordinance (the “Ordinance”), which takes effect January 1, 2021, employers in St. Louis with 10 or more employees may not:

  1. Base a decision to hire or promote on an applicant’s criminal history, “unless the employer can demonstrate that the employment-related decision is based on all information available including the frequency, recentness and severity of the criminal history and the history is reasonably related to or bears upon the duties and responsibilities of the job position;”
  2. Inquire about a job applicant’s criminal history until after the employer has determined that the applicant is otherwise qualified for the job position, and interviewed the applicant, “except that such an inquiry may be made of all job applicants who are in the final selection pool from which the position will be filled;”
  3. Publish job advertisements, including electronically, that exclude applicants on the basis of criminal history;
  4. Include statements on job applications and other hiring forms, including electronic documents, that exclude applicants on the basis of criminal history;
  5. Inquire into, or require applicants to disclose their criminal history on initial job applications and other hiring forms, including electronic documents; and
  6. “Seek to obtain publicly available information” concerning job applicants’ criminal history.

With respect to prohibition Nos. 3 through 6, the Ordinance creates an exception where federal, state, or local law prohibits the employer from hiring an individual with a certain criminal history.

California

The California Fair Chance Act (“CFCA”) makes it an unlawful employment practice for an employer with five or more employees to include on an application for employment any question that seeks the disclosure of an applicant’s conviction history, or to inquire into or consider the conviction history of an applicant, until that applicant has received a conditional offer of employment. Additionally, the Act requires employers to: (a) make individualized assessments as to whether the conviction history has a direct adverse relationship with the specific duties of the job; and (b) provide notice under a specific procedure to employees if they intend to deny employment based on the conviction history.

Among other changes, new regulations promulgated by the California Fair Employment and Housing Council, effective October 1, 2020, expand the definition of an “applicant” to include individuals who begin work upon receiving a conditional offer of employment but before the employer has conducted or completed a criminal background check.  Ostensibly prompted by the delay some employers are encountering in obtaining relevant criminal history information due to the COVID-19 pandemic, the new rule ensures that individuals working pursuant to a conditional job offer still enjoy the protections afforded by the CFCA to “applicants.”

Also of note, the California Department of Fair Employment and Housing recently issued Frequently Asked Questions concerning the CFCA, detailing employers’ obligations under the law and providing guidance on how employers may conduct a compliant criminal background check.

Hawaii

Hawaii, which was one of the first states to create a “ban the box” law, recently added a notable amendment to the law. Effective September 15, 2020, SB 2193 prevents most private sector employers from considering felony convictions older than seven years, and misdemeanor convictions older than five years, reducing the look-back period from 10 years.

Other 2020 “Ban the Box” Developments

Maryland: As we previously reported, Maryland’s “ban the box” law, effective February 29, 2020, prohibits private employers with fifteen or more full-time employees from asking job applicants to disclose any criminal records or criminal accusations prior to the first in-person interview.

Virginia: Effective July 1, 2020, a new law that decriminalizes simple possession of marijuana also contains a “ban the box” provision prohibiting employers from requiring job applicants to disclose information concerning criminal charges, arrests, or convictions for simple possession of marijuana.

Suffolk County, New York: As we discuss here, effective August 25, 2020, Suffolk County employers with fifteen or more employees are prohibited from inquiring about a job applicant’s criminal convictions during the application process or before a first interview.

Waterloo, Iowa: Effective July 1, 2020, a new City ordinance prohibits employers with fifteen or more employees within the City of Waterloo from, among other acts, requiring applicants to disclose arrests, convictions, or pending criminal charges during the application process, including, but not limited to, any interview.  An employer, however, may “discuss” such information with an applicant if the applicant voluntarily discloses it.

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Employers covered by a “ban the box” law in one or more of the jurisdictions discussed above should review and, if necessary, update their policies and procedures, including job advertisements, applications, and other hiring (and where relevant, promotion) forms to ensure they are compliant with all applicable mandates.  Employers should also consider training personnel involved in the hiring process, particularly recruiters, human resources personnel, and those tasked with interviewing applicants and conducting criminal background checks.


©2020 Epstein Becker & Green, P.C. All rights reserved.
For more articles on labor law, visit the National Law Review Labor & Employment section.

When Governors Bite Back: Circuit Court Upholds Hawaii Governor’s Emergency Powers

As mentioned in our previous post, the legality of state Governors’ emergency powers have come under scrutiny during the pandemic. Michigan’s Supreme Court, for example, recently struck down Governor Gretchen Whitmer’s emergency powers. The Hawaii Circuit Court, however, recently dismissed a legal challenge to Hawaii Governor David Ige’s emergency powers. In response to the victory, Hawaii Attorney General Clare Connors stated “[t]his decision sends an important message at an important time—the Governor’s emergency proclamations are lawful. By continuing to follow these rules, all residents and visitors protect each other and promote public health during this pandemic crisis.”

The lawsuit alleged that Governor Ige’s powers were time-limited, lapsing after the initial 60-day period following the declared state of emergency. Plaintiffs argued that the Governor’s supplemental emergency proclamations were facially invalid, and invalid as applied to Plaintiffs. Plaintiffs sought an order permanently enjoining Governor Ige and Hawaii Mayor Harry Kim from issuing further executive orders, or enforcing existing orders. The State argued, however, that no language prohibits supplementary or additional emergency proclamations from being issued, and that HRS Section 127A provides that the Governor or Mayor shall be the “sole judge of the existence of the danger, threat, or circumstances giving rise to a declaration of a state of emergency[.]” HSR § 127A-14(c).

The court agreed with the State, finding that “the use of supplementary proclamations is lawful” and that the purpose of Hawaii’s emergency powers statute “is to confer comprehensive powers to protect the public and save lives.” However, the court acknowledged that the Governor’s powers are not without limit. The court held that “[t]o support each successive emergency proclamation, the Governor must identify the existence of the danger, threat, or circumstances giving rise to a declaration of a state of emergency. When the facts on the ground no longer justify such a determination, the Governor’s emergency powers will cease.” Plaintiffs did not challenge the existence or impact of the pandemic within Hawaii.

Had the Circuit Court found the Governor’s supplemental emergency declarations unlawful as Plaintiffs argued, Hawaii’s price gouging statute may have also been declared unlawfully in effect. Hawaii’s price gouging law, which is triggered upon the governor or mayor declaring a state of emergency prohibits “any increase in the selling price of any commodity, whether at the retail or wholesale level, in the area that is the subject of the proclamation or the severe weather warning.” Hawaii Rev. Stat. §127A-30.

As previously mentioned, the limits of emergency powers have become a hot topic during the pandemic. Businesses need to stay current with respect to changes that may result from the coming potential wave of orders being challenged and rescinded.


© 2020 Proskauer Rose LLP.
For more articles on state powers, visit the National Law Review Election Law / Legislative News section.

Zooming In: How Using Zoom Improperly Can Destroy Trade Secret Protections

In April, our editor, Joe Lavigne, explained how employers can ensure trade secret protections while allowing employees to work from home during the pandemic. The article advised employers to restrict the transmission of trade secrets through social media platforms like Zoom. A recent decision out of Delaware confirmed that the failure to use Zoom privacy and security settings may result in the loss of trade secret protections.

In Smash Franchise Partners, LLC v. Kanda Holdings, Inc., a Delaware Court of Chancery ruled that a trade secret plaintiff did not take reasonable steps to protect its trade secrets when it failed to incorporate Zoom privacy and security features and disclosed its confidential and proprietary business strategies on an open Zoom call.

Smash Franchise Partners is a franchisor of mobile trash compactors that allows customers to save on waste management and disposal by compacting trash on site. Smash sells its compactors and business model to franchisees. However, prospective franchisees are required to sign a non-disclosure agreement (NDA) before being introduced to the product and business model.

In December 2019, the defendants signed an NDA and participated in several open Zoom calls regarding the cost of doing business, business strategies, and targeted customers. The defendants subsequently decided to open their own mobile trash compacting business in direct competition with Smash.

Smash immediately filed suit against the new competitor claiming the defendants misappropriated its trade secrets, and Smash sought an injunction to prohibit the defendants from operating their competing business. To obtain a preliminary injunction, Smash was required to show a reasonable likelihood of success on their trade secret claim.

The Delaware court determined that Smash could not show a likelihood of success on the merits of its trade secret claim because it did not take reasonable steps to protect the trade secrets. The court reached this conclusion after emphasizing that any trade secrets defendants allegedly misappropriated were disclosed during open Zoom calls. Notably, Zoom offers security features to ensure confidentiality is maintained, i.e. Zoom hosts can hold private meetings that require passwords to prevent unauthorized participants from joining. Smash did not use this feature or follow its own procedure, which required roll be called before any prospective franchisee presentation and the removal of unauthorized participants.

The lessonWork from home is here to stay. Zoom and other social media applications like it have become critical to the seamless and immediate transfer of ideas and business information in the remote workplace era. Employers must takes steps to ensure that the use of Zoom and other tools does not result in the loss of trade secret protections. When using Zoom to hold meetings where proprietary business information is disclosed, companies must use security features that permit password-protected meeting links, and they should also implement other procedures like taking a roll call and removing unauthorized participants.


© 2020 Jones Walker LLP

For more articles on intellectual property litigation, visit the National Law Review Litigation / Trial Practice section.