Category: Legislation

Colorado PFAS Act Likely Just the Beginning of New PFAS Chemical Regulation

Key Takeaways

  • How does the recent increase in state regulation of PFAS chemicals in consumer products impact your business?
  • Potential federal regulations of PFAS chemicals
  • Need for implementation of quality control practices
  • How best to identify and correct improper use of PFAS chemicals in consumer products

Introduction

Colorado has become the most recent state to regulate the use of PFAS chemicals in consumer products. It is important that manufacturers and retailers become aware of these restrictions now to avoid future compliance issues since the state regulations of PFAS chemical use are not the same state to state. Further the compliance issues imposed by state regulations will be compounded if the federal government fulfills its promise to regulate PFAS chemicals. Multiple federal agencies have indicated that such federal regulations may be forthcoming in the near future.

Definition of PFAS

Per- and polyfluoroalyyl substances (PFASs, CnF2n+1–R) are a group of man-made chemicals that includes PFOA, PFOS and GenX chemicals.1 These chemicals are widely used, long lasting chemicals that contain components that break down very slowly over time. PFAS chemicals are used to make fluoropolymer coatings and products that resist heat, oil, stains, grease, and water. These can include clothing, furniture, adhesives, food packaging, and many other products.2 Because of their widespread use and persistence in the environment, many PFAS are found in the blood stream of people and animals all over the world and are present at low levels in a variety of food products and in the environment.

Colorado Joins a Growing List of States to Implement PFAS Regulations for Consumer Products

Colorado recently adopted into law the Perfluoroalkyl and Polyfluoroalkyl Chemcials Consumer Protection Act (the “Colorado PFAS Act”)3, which regulates the use of perfluoroalkyl and polyflupralkyl substances (“PFAS chemicals”) in certain consumer products. The Colorado General Assembly concluded that such regulation is necessary upon the determination that “PFAS chemicals pose[] a significant threat to the environment of the state and the health of its residents.”4 Accordingly, by its terms, the Colorado PFAS Act was implemented into law in order “to create a regulatory scheme that phases out the sale or distribution of certain products and product categories in the state that contain intentionally added PFAS chemicals.”5 In furtherance of this goal, the Colorado PFAS Act will phase out the sell and distribution of certain consumer products that contain “intentionally added PFAS chemicals” from January 1, 2024 through January 1, 2027.6

These phase out regulations within the Colorado PFAS Act are consistent with a national trend of states regulating the sale and distribution of consumer products containing PFAS chemicals. For example, the Colorado PFAS Act establishes that Colorado is now one of at least 8 states that will regulate the sale and distribution of “food packaging” that contains intentionally added PFAS chemicals.

Beyond the differing timeline in the above chart, it is important to note these regulations are not synonymous since the term “food packaging” is defined differently by each regulating state.

Ignorance Is No Defense

The Colorado PFAS Act also does not allow ignorance on the contents of a commercial product as prohibiting the enforcement of its regulations. It is true that the Colorado PFAS Act prohibits the sell and distribution of certain products that contain “intentionally added PFAS chemicals.”7 However, the Colorado PFAS Act defines “intentionally added PFAS chemicals” as “PFAS chemicals that a manufacturer has intentionally added to a product and that have a functional or technical effect on the product.”8 Here the “intent” element necessary to trigger the regulations of the Colorado PFAS Act is the intent to add any chemistry which includes any listed PFAS chemicals. The Colorado PFAS Act defines “product” to “include” any product components.”9 Thus, a “manufacturer” of consumer goods must understand all additive materials to its products through each stage of the supply chain.

Likely Federal regulation by the end of the year (2022)10

The EPA is expected to propose a regulation for groups of PFAS in drinking water in the Fall of 2022 before the Agency’s statutory deadline in March 2023. A final rule is anticipated in Fall 2023 after considering public comments on the proposal. In a new health advisory, EPA reduced the acceptable levels for two PFAS (perfluorooctane sulfonate (PFOS) and perfluorooctanoic acid (PFOA)) in drinking water from 70 parts per trillion down to just 0.004 parts per trillion for PFOA and 0.02 parts per trillion for PFOS.11 Issuing a health advisory is generally considered to be a preliminary step in the process of setting maximum contaminant levels.12 Some states have set their own enforceable drinking water standards for PFOA and PFOS. Vermont, Michigan, and New Jersey have all set limits ranging from 8 to 20 parts per trillion for both chemicals.13 The issuance of the health advisory by the EPA will have States reevaluating their own regulations to conform with the standards set by the Agency.14

By Winter 2022 the EPA plans to leverage federally-issued NPDES permits to reduce PFAS discharges and will propose monitoring requirements at facilities where PFAS are expected or suspected to be present in wastewater and storm water discharges, using its recently published analytical method 1633, which covers 40 unique PFAS. EPA will issue new guidance recommending that state-issued permits that do not already include monitoring requirements for PFAS use the method 1633 at facilities where PFAS is expected or suspected to be present in wastewater and storm water discharges. In addition, the new guidance will recommend the full suite of permitting approaches that EPA will use in federally-issued permits. The EPA expects to publish a multi-laboratory validation method to detect up to 40 specific PFAS compounds in eight environmental matrices with the Department of Defense online by Fall 2022.

Discussion of Proposed RCRA and CERCLA changes

a. Proposed RCRA Changes15

In recent months, EPA has set the stage for greater regulation and firm federal standards PFAS chemicals that could significantly impact cleanup requirements. In October of 2021, the EPA responded to a petition from Governor Michelle Lujan Grisham of New Mexico to tackle PFAS contamination under the Resource Conservation and Recovery Act (RCRA). EPA outlined plans to initiate rulemaking process for two new actions under the hazardous waste law. The first rulemaking effort will initiate the process to propose adding four PFAS chemicals as RCRA Hazardous Constituents under Appendix VIII, by evaluating the existing data for these chemicals and establishing a record to support a proposed rule. The four PFAS chemicals EPA will evaluate are: perfluorooctanoic acid (PFOA), perfluorooctane sulfonic acid (PFOS), perfluorobutane sulfonic acid (PFBS), and GenX. Adding these chemicals as RCRA hazardous Constituents would ensure they are subject to corrective action requirements and would be a necessary building block for future work to regulate PFAS as a listed hazardous waste. The second rulemaking effort will clarify in EPA regulations that the RCRA Corrective Action Program has the authority to require investigation and cleanup for wastes that meet the statutory definition of hazardous waste, as defined under RCRA section 1004(5). This modification would clarify that emerging contaminants such as PFAS can be cleaned up though the RCRA corrective action process.

b. Proposed CERCLA Changes16

In June 2021, EPA restarted the process to designate PFOA and PFOS as Comprehensive Environmental Response, Compensation, and Liability Act (CERCLA) hazardous substances. A proposed rule was expected in the Spring of 2022, no such rule has been proposed. According the EPA’s “PFAS Strategic Roadmap” a final rule is expected in the Summer of 2023 and EPA is currently developing a Notice of Proposed Rulemaking to designate PFOA and PFOS as CERCLA hazardous substances. Such designations would require facilities across the country to report on PFOA and PFOS releases that meet or exceed the reportable quantity assigned to these substances. The hazardous substance designations would also enhance the ability of federal, Tribal, state, and local authorities to obtain information regarding the location and extent of releases. EPA or other agencies could also seek cost recovery or contributions for costs incurred for the cleanup.

The designation PFOA and PFOS as a hazardous substance under CERCLA could substantially impact existing and new cleanup sites. Site owners and responsible parties who release PFOA or PFAS, and possibly other PFAS chemicals will be obligated to report releases, quantify the location and amounts released to stakeholders, and may be liable for partial or total cleanup. Regulatory changes may also delay cleanup and add significant analytical costs for companies who need to evaluate PFAS in various media prior to releases of any kind to waste streams. The designation of PFAS as hazardous substances has not yet been ratified at a federal level. However, several states (e.g., Washington DOE) have enacted Public Health Goals for surface and drinking waters and cleanup standards – several that incorporate federal hazardous substances lists, ensuring that the impending PFAS regulations will extend beyond federally designated cleanup sites.

The Importance of Following the Discussion Leading up to New TSCA Regulations17

The Toxics Release Inventory (TRI) helps the EPA compile data and information on releases of certain chemicals and supports decisions by companies, regulatory agencies, and the public. The EPA intends to implement a rulemaking in 2022 to categorize the PFAS on the TRI list as “Chemicals of Special Concern” and remove the de minimis eligibility from supplier notification requirements for all “Chemicals of Special Concern.” It is expected for the EPA to continue to update and add to the list of PFAS subject to the TRI. EPA’s proposed rule would require all manufacturers (including importers) of PFAS in any year since 2011 to report information related to chemical identity, categories of use, volumes manufactured and processed, byproducts, environmental and health effects, worker exposure, and disposal. There is still opportunity for public comments as the rule is not set to finalize until January of 2023.

Industries Should Take Protective Measures

Both the implementation of the Colorado PFAS Act and the recent actions of the EPA establish that the time for manufacturers and retailers to act is now. Specifically, manufacturers and retailers should implement quality control practices directed towards identifying—and where necessary altering—the chemical contents of their consumer products.

To implement such quality control practices, manufacturers and retailers should review their wastewater handling processes and insurance policies for periods of past PFAS chemicals use. These previous processes and insurance policies likely identify the specific components of PFAS chemicals that were deemed to violate state waste water regulations, as well as the internal changes implemented to eliminate the use of such chemicals. Similar practices can likely be implemented in the sale and distribution of consumer products that include PFAS chemicals. Manufacturers and retailers should implement practices now to limit exposure and costs once regulation of PFAS consumer products become both effective and more prevalent. If you have any questions regarding PFAS regulations, please contact the authors of this article.

ENDNOTES

1 Zhanyun Wang et al., A Never-Ending Story of Per- and Polyfluoroalkyl Substances (PFASs)?, 51 ENV’L SCI. TECH. 2508.

2 CTR. FOR DISEASE CONTROL AND PREVENTION, https://www.cdc.gov/biomonitoring/PFAS_FactSheet.html (last visited June 24, 2022).

3 C.R.S.A. § 25-15-601 et seq.

4 C.R.S.A. § 25-15-602(1)(a).

5 C.R.S.A. § 25-15-602(2).

6 C.R.S.A. §§ 25-15-604(1), (3)-(4).

7 C.R.S.A. § 25-15-604(1), (3), and (5).

8 C.R.S.A. § 25-15-603(12)(a).

9 C.R.S.A. § 25-15-603(20)(b).

10 All information gathered in this section coms from: ENV’L PROT. AGENCY https://www.epa.gov/system/files/documents/2021-10/pfas-roadmap_final-508.pdf (last visited June 24, 2022).

11 Juan Carlos Rodriguez, 3 Takeaways from EPA’s Guidance on PFAS in Drinking Water, Law360 (June 22, 2022, 8:48 PM EDT).

12Id.

13Id.

14Id.

15 Information on RCRA changes comes from: EPA Press Release, responding to New Mexico Governor’s petition to tackle PFAS contamination under RCRA (Oct. 26, 2021).

16 All information gathered in this section coms from: EPA, PFAS Strategic Roadmap: EPA’s Commitments to Action 2021-2024 (Oct. 2021).

17 Information comes from: EPA (last visited June 24, 2022).

 

Article By Daniella D. Landers, Michael J. Sullivan, and Brendan H. White of Womble Bond Dickinson (US) LLP. Audrey Capra, Summer Associate, also contributed to this alert.

Copyright © 2022 Womble Bond Dickinson (US) LLP All Rights Reserved.

Minnesota Inadvertently Allows Unregulated Intoxicating Cannabis Edible Products

As of July 1, 2022, unregulated intoxicating THC products derived from hemp have been legalized in Minnesota, apparently as the result of confusion by state legislators about the new law’s actual effect. Although the express intent of the statute is to allow the sale of products that contain so-called “non-intoxicating cannabinoids” to consumers in Minnesota, the new law contains a massive loophole that effectively legalizes all forms of THC sold in edible products at levels that intoxicate with only a bare minimum of regulatory oversight.

This surely cannot have been the goal of many Minnesota legislators who voted for the bill. In fact, the Minneapolis Star Tribune has reported that at least one senator in the state’s Republican-controlled Senate confirmed that he did not realize that the new law would legalize edible products with all forms of THC. 

The Loophole

The new law changes section 151.72 of the Minnesota Statutes by defining “non-intoxicating cannabinoid” as “substances extracted from certified hemp plants that do not produce intoxicating effects when consumed by any route of administration.” The bill then incongruously allows for cannabinoid edible products to be sold to consumers in the state so long as the product contains no more than 0.3 percent of any THC and no more than 5 mg of any THC in a single serving, or more than a total of 50 mg of any THC per package.

Most states are now being forced to grapple with how to respond effectively to the problem of unregulated intoxicating hemp cannabinoids being sold openly and online. Edible products with intoxicating levels of hemp-derived delta-8 THC, delta-9 THC, delta-10 THC and THC-O Acetate are sold widely as legal and less-expensive alternatives to regulated marijuana products. States have employed various strategies to, by varying degrees, limit, regulate or prohibit intoxicating hemp cannabinoids, and lawsuits on the subject have been initiated in several states.

No state has created a loophole quite like what exists in Minnesota’s new law. Although Minnesota seeks, at least nominally, to only allow the sale of products that contain “non-intoxicating cannabinoids,” food and beverages that contain less than 0.3 percent THC concentration may nevertheless be intoxicating due to the large amounts that may be consumed easily.

To illustrate the problem of hemp products that contain less than 0.3 percent delta-9 THC concentration but are nevertheless intoxicating, consider this:

  • A typical energy bar of 60 grams would be allowed to have up to 180 mg THC if limited to 0.3 percent THC concentration by weight.
  • Regulated cannabis edible products, by comparison, typically may be sold only in a serving size of no more than 10 mg, with a limit of up to 100 mg per package.
  • A four-gram hemp gummy product, however, could have 10 mg of THC and still fall below the allowable concentration threshold.
  • Minnesota’s new law allows up to 5 mg THC per serving and 50 mg THC per package.

The intoxicating potential here is evident. One need only consume two servings to ingest the same amount of THC allowed in a standard regulated marijuana product serving. Ingesting 50 mg of THC will heavily intoxicate all but the most jaded stoner. Nowhere in the new law, however, is there any requirement to warn that the cannabis edible product may cause intoxication when consumed as suggested.

The Goal Informs the Solution

States should focus on the goal of prohibiting or properly regulating intoxicating hemp products that are currently sold as an unregulated and less-expensive alternative to regulated cannabis. We have previously warned that any state that decides to allow hemp-derived THC in edible products must necessarily grapple with tricky questions over how to regulate maximum serving size, active cannabinoid concentration per serving size, the number of servings per container, consumer warnings and similar questions to mitigate the risk to public health and safety. Cannabis and hemp industry leaders have likewise warned against “percentage” thresholds of cannabinoids as an appropriate measure for foods and beverages for the reasons described above.

In comparison to Minnesota, other states are proceeding in a more cautious manner. California’s recent Assembly Bill 45, for example, draws attention to the above-mentioned issues but acknowledges that more study is needed by the California Department of Public Health (CDPH) before implementing regulations are issued. The bill provides that CDPH “may regulate and restrict the cap on extract and may cap the amount of total THC concentration at the product level based on the product form, volume, number of servings, ratio of cannabinoids to THC in the product, or other factors, as needed.”

Analysis

Exacerbating the problem is the fact that product contamination, label inaccuracies and outright fraud are pervasive within the hemp cannabinoid market. Products often are marketed with misleading or false claims, and many fail to incorporate any explicit warning of intoxicating effects. Because the Minnesota statute incorrectly assumes that consumers will not become intoxicated from compliant cannabis edible products, no such warnings are mandated. This is a mistake.

It appears that better education around hemp-derived edible products could have led to more thoughtful legislation in Minnesota. This example may nevertheless provide a learning opportunity for other states that are studying how to regulate intoxicating hemp products.

Article By Ian A. Stewart of Wilson Elser Moskowitz Edelman & Dicker LLP

For more biotech, food, and drug legal news, click here to visit the National Law Review.

© 2022 Wilson Elser

Looking into Our (Slightly Hazy) Crystal Ball: What Will the Mississippi Cannabis Market Look Like?

When you do what we do, you get a lot of calls and a lot of questions. Many of the calls and questions are not fruitful. Quite honestly, some of the calls are from folks whose interest in and experience with cannabis is, we suspect, on a purely personal and leisurely level. In the words of Hyman Roth, this is the business we’ve chosen.

But one legitimate question we’re often asked is what we think the cannabis market will look like in Mississippi. And, more specifically, whether Mississippi’s new medical cannabis regime will be similar to the one in Oklahoma.

It’s a loaded question, and one we suspect many questioners don’t fully appreciate. On the one hand, Oklahoma’s medical cannabis program has been compared to the Wild West. At last count, there were more medical cannabis dispensaries than liquor stores or supermarkets in the state. Many have concluded that this is a bad thing and/or that the program is a failure. Others have deemed the program a triumph of capitalism, a survival-of-the-fittest trial where only the “best” will survive.

As is often the case, we think the answer is probably somewhere in the middle.

On the one hand, the obvious and primary similarity between the programs is the absence of an expressed cap on the number of licenses available. While most states limit the number of licenses available, neither Oklahoma nor Mississippi does so. Many believe this feature will lead to Mississippi following the lead of Oklahoma in terms of the proliferation of dispensaries throughout the Magnolia State.

On the other hand, there are a number of differences between the two states and their statutes that indicate to us that Mississippi’s regime will differ in several important ways – ways we are seeing play out now. First, while the license fee for a dispensary in Oklahoma is $2,500, the fee in Mississippi is $25,000, 10 times the amount. And that amount is owed annually and is in addition to the initial $15,000 application fee. As a practical matter, and for better or worse, this feature alone should significantly cull the number of dispensaries because it provides a substantial barrier to entry into the industry.

Second, there may be significantly fewer locations available to open a dispensary in Mississippi than one would expect due to several geographic-limiting features of the law. Initially, localities have until May 3 to opt out of the medical cannabis regime, and several cities have already done so. Also, dispensaries cannot be located within 1,000 feet of any church, school, or daycare facility. For those unfamiliar with Mississippi, it may be tough to find anywhere in the state that isn’t within 1,000 feet of a church. Even more, the law forbids one dispensary from being within 1,500 feet from another dispensary, and dispensaries are only permissible in commercially zoned areas.

Third, the cannabis industry examining the Mississippi market will have the benefit of having lived through the Oklahoma experience. This is likely to minimize the “goldrush” mentality seen in Oklahoma’s early days. Instead, look for larger players to let the dust settle and come in looking to acquire operators who proved successful breaking out of the initial melee.

Conclusion

It seems possible that, at least in the early years, the Mississippi medical cannabis regime may more closely resemble Oklahoma than a state like Florida with strict limitations on the number of licenses. But our prediction is that certain aspects of Mississippi law and culture will lead to less of a free-for-all at the outset, hopefully leading to a more efficient and more orderly transition to a rational cannabis market in Mississippi.

Article By Whitt Steineker and Slates C. Veazey of Bradley Arant Boult Cummings LLP

For more cannabis legal news, click here to visit the National Law Review.

© 2022 Bradley Arant Boult Cummings LLP

Why ‘Don’t Say Gay’ Bills are Antithetical to an Equitable and Inclusive Education

According to a 2019 GLSEN national survey of LGBTQ+ students, nearly 60% of surveyed students reported they felt unsafe at school because of their sexual orientation and 43% because of their gender expression. Within the same survey, nearly all (98.8%) LGBTQ+ students reported hearing “gay” used in a negative way at school, 95% heard other homophobic remarks, and 87% heard transphobic remarks.

When I was an educator, it was essential to my practice that all my students felt safe. If I were to hear any negative remarks about a student or become aware one of my students felt unsafe due to their identity, it would be my ethical, and moral, obligation to do something to create a safer and more inclusive learning environment; a core part of my role as an educator was to teach empathy and compassion in my students. This could be as simple as having a classroom discussion about the choices of language and how using words such as “gay” with a negative connotation can be hurtful to their classmates. This could also mean sharing my own identity as a queer man so my LGBTQ+ students knew they had someone they could turn to for support, and to normalize queer identities for all my students and their families. Either of these actions would require I discuss the importance of accepting all sexual orientations and gender identities.

In other words, I would have to say “gay.” But in six states — as of now — I would not have been able to do this.

The state of Florida attracted national attention earlier this year with the adoption of H.B. 1557, the “Parental Rights in Education” bill, more commonly known as the “Don’t Say Gay” bill. The bill, which has since been signed into law, dictates classroom instruction by “school staff” on “sexual orientation or gender identity may not occur in kindergarten through grade 3 or in a manner that is not age-appropriate or developmentally appropriate for students.” Five other states, according to the Movement Advancement Project, have similar laws enacted and several more have bills pending in their state legislatures. Some proponents of these bills argue the legislation is necessary to ensure parents have greater say when, if, and how LGBTQ+ issues are discussed with their children.

Yet these laws are designed to ensure only some parents have greater say, as the parents of LGBTQ+ children are certainly not reflected in these efforts.

At a time when youth mental health is reaching a crisis, state legislatures are advancing bills that would perpetuate, and arguably exacerbate, harmful school-based experiences for LGBTQ+ youth and worsen their well-being. A 2022 survey by the Trevor Project found 45% of LGBTQ+ youth seriously considered attempting suicide in the past year, and over half of transgender and nonbinary youth considered suicide. The 2019 GLSEN survey also found LGBTQ+ students who experienced forms of victimization based on their sexual orientation or gender identity (e.g., being bullied, hearing homophobic or transphobic remarks, etc.) had lower levels of self-esteem, higher levels of depression, and were less likely to say they belonged in school.

Some may argue “Don’t Say Gay” bills would not preclude educators from addressing instances of homophobia or transphobia in their classrooms and try to suggest that prohibitions on such actions are not the intent of the bills. However, regardless of intent, these bills often have the insidious impact to “chill” educators’ actions out of fear they may run afoul of the law and open themselves to reprimands, including being terminated.

All students deserve to have a safe, supportive, and affirming learning environment. All educators should be empowered to protect their students, and not feel afraid to step in when they notice a student being bullied because of their identity. And every parent should have the resources to be a partner in their child’s education. Unfortunately, state laws such as the “Don’t Say Gay” bills will only stand in way of these notions from becoming realities.

It is impossible to support all students when LGBTQ+ children continue to be targeted merely because of their identities.

Article By Sean A. Worley of Nelson Mullins

For more legislative legal news, click here to visit the National Law Review.

Copyright ©2022 Nelson Mullins Riley & Scarborough LLP

Uyghur Forced Labor Prevention Act Takes Effect: What Importers Need to Know

The Uyghur Forced Labor Prevention Act (UFLPA) is in effect as of June 21, 2022. Congress passed the Act in December 2021 to increase enforcement of longstanding U.S. policy prohibiting the importation of goods, or components thereof, made with forced labor and to create a “rebuttable presumption” that merchandise from the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region (XUAR) or by an entity on the UFLPA Entity List is made with forced labor and thereby prohibited from entry into the United States. The rebuttable presumption applies to downstream products that incorporate inputs from XUAR, regardless of where the finished products are manufactured, including goods from outside XUAR in the People’s Republic of China (PRC), or in third countries. There is no de minimis provision in the law – any prohibited content, no matter how small, will make a product subject to the rebuttable presumption made by the law. If an importer can demonstrate by “clear and convincing” evidence that the goods were not produced wholly or in part by forced labor, U.S. Customs and Border Protection (CBP) will grant an “exception” to the presumption. The UFLPA provides for increased detentions and seizures of merchandise and potential civil and criminal penalties. See prior GT Alerts on the UFLPA.

Pursuant to the UFLPA, a multi-agency task force chaired by the Department of Homeland Security was mandated to develop a strategy for the Act’s implementation. On June 17, in anticipation of the June 21 effective date, DHS released the “Strategy to Prevent the Importation of Goods Mined, Produced, or Manufactured with Forced Labor in the People’s Republic of China” (Enforcement Strategy), which includes:

  • An assessment of risk of importing goods mined, produced, or manufactured, wholly or in part, in the PRC; according to the strategy, complex supply chains that touch XUAR are “highly susceptible to contamination by goods made using forced labor.”
  • A list of entities affiliated with forced labor; therefore, their products are subject to the presumption that their goods are prohibited from entry. The Entity list will be updated multiple times per year and will be publicly available.
  • A list of high priority sectors and products including apparel and textiles, cotton and cotton products, polysilicon, and tomato products. Other products listed include footwear, nails, electronics, and toys.
  • Guidance to importers advising that companies need heightened due diligence to ensure compliance with UFLPA and to identify potential supply chain exposure to Xinjiang. Supply chain tracing is the general method to demonstrate that goods are free of inputs from Xinjiang, but CBP expects that barriers to supply chain tracing may make it difficult for importers to be compliant and has stated that third-party audits alone are insufficient to demonstrate due diligence.

Should CBP detain goods on suspicion of being made wholly or in part with forced labor, the importer has options. It can re-export the goods (up until CBP seizes them); it can abandon the goods; it can seek an “exception” for the goods, to get them released from CBP custody; it can also provide information to CBP demonstrating that the goods are not subject in any way to the Act. The evidence and documentation needed for the latter two must be “clear and convincing.”

It should be noted that in order to obtain an “exception” for goods that have been detained, an importer must meet all three of the following requirements:

  • Provide clear and convincing evidence that the detained goods were not made in whole or in part with forced labor, or were sourced from entities on the Entity List.
  • Fully and substantively respond to any questions from CBP.
  • Show that it has complied with all of the requirements set out in the Enforcement Strategy and CBP’s Operational Guidance (i.e., due diligence, supply chain tracing and management, etc.).

The Enforcement Strategy document provides importers with guidance in the following three areas:

  • Due diligence, effective supply chain tracing, and supply chain management measures to ensure that no goods violating the Act enter the importer’s supply chain.
  • The type, nature, and extent of evidence that demonstrates that goods originating in China were not mined (or grown), produced, or manufactured wholly or in part in Xinjiang.
  • The type, nature, and extent of evidence that demonstrates goods originating in China, including goods detained under Section 307 of the Tariff Act, were not mined (or grown), produced, or manufactured wholly or in part with forced labor.

CBP has made it clear that should there be a detention, participants in the Customs and Trade Partnership Against Terrorism program (C-TPAT) will be prioritized for review of submissions to rebut the presumption that the merchandise was made with forced labor.

Importers may wish to plan for contingencies should CBP detain imported merchandise, map complex supply chains and review purchase agreements and supplier codes of conduct.

Article By Laura Siegel Rabinowitz and Donald S. Stein of Greenberg Traurig, LLP

For more legislative legal news, click here to visit the National Law Review.

©2022 Greenberg Traurig, LLP. All rights reserved.

Auto Industry Picks up Capitol Hill Advocacy on Reports of Resurgence of Biden’s Build Back Better (BBB) Proposal

Last week, General Motors Chair and CEO Marry Barra, Toyota Motor North America President and CEO Ted Ogawa, Ford Motor Company CEO James Farley, and Stellantis CEO Carlos Taveres sent a letter to Senate Democratic Leader Chuck Schumer, Senate Republican Leader Mitch McConnell, House Speaker Nancy Pelosi, and House Minority Leader Kevin McCarthy revamping the industry’s advocacy for the inclusion of certain production tax credits ahead of a possible budget reconciliation package.

This letter comes on the heels of recent reports on Capitol Hill that the lynchpin to the Senate passing a budget reconciliation package, Senator Joe Manchin (D-WV), has had multiple in person conversations with Senate Democrat Leader Chuck Schumer regarding a legislative path forward on the proposal.

The letter specifically advocated for the inclusion in any final BBB proposal of House-passed legislation, authored by Congressman Dan Kildee (D-MI-05) and Senator Debbie Stabenow (D-MI) which would extend and build on current tax credits for EVs. Specifically, the provision would make consumers eligible for a $7,500 credit for eligible EV purchases for the first five years and an additional $4,500 credit if the EV is manufactured by a unionized facility, and an additional $500 credit if the EV uses an American made battery. In addition, the proposal would amend the current credit authority to make the credits refundable and transferrable at the time of purchase rather than consumers having to claim the credit on their tax return. Finally, the proposal would bar consumers making over $400,000 from eligibility and creates EV price limits to preclude luxury EVs from eligibility.

While this provision enjoys broad Democrat support in the Senate, Senator Manchin, foreign automakers and Tesla have publicly criticized the $4,500 bonus for union made vehicles.

Additional Electric Vehicle Infrastructure funding that could be included in the bill include:

  • Electric Vehicle Supply Equipment Rebate Program –$2 billion for eligible entities for covered expenses associated with EV supplies including grounding conductors, attachment plugs and other fittings, electrical equipment, batteries, among other things;
  • Electric Vehicle Charging Equity Program – $1 billion to provide technical assistance, education and outreach, or grants for projects that increase deployment and accessibility of EV supply equipment in underserved or disadvantaged communities;
  • General Services Administration Clean Vehicle Fleet program – $5 billion for GSA for the procurement of EVs and related infrastructure for the Federal Fleet (excluding USPS and DOD vehicles);
  • United States Postal Service Clean Vehicle Fleet and Facility Maintenance – $3 billion for the USPS to purchase electric delivery vehicles and $4 billion for the purchase of related infrastructure; and
  • District of Columbia Clean Vehicle Fleet – $10 million for the District of Columbia for the procurement of EVs and related infrastructure.

While it is unclear what would be in a final BBB deal or if it would have the votes to pass the House and the Senate, industry representatives are descending on Capitol Hill to push for critical funding and tax provisions that could have significant benefits to their respective industries, especially those provisions that could lower costs for producers and consumers in the current economic climate.

Article By William Ball of Foley & Lardner LLP

For more utilities and transportation legal news, click here to visit the National Law Review.

© 2022 Foley & Lardner LLP

The Intersection of the Bipartisan Infrastructure Law and Davis-Bacon Act Requirements for Federal Contractors and Subcontractors

On November 15, 2021, President Joe Biden signed the $1.2 trillion Infrastructure Investment and Jobs Act into law, which is popularly known as the Bipartisan Infrastructure Law (“BIL”).

The BIL is estimated to create an additional 800,000 jobs.  The United States Department of Labor (“DOL”) contends that such new jobs will “expand the middle class, revitalize our nation’s transportation, communications and utility systems and build a more resilient, reliable, and environmentally sound future.”  The White House asserts that the BIL will provide protection to “critical labor standards on construction projects,” as a substantial portion of the construction projects included in the BIL will be subject to requirements of the Davis-Bacon Act (“DBA” or the “Act”).

While the BIL provides new revenue sources and opportunities for construction projects, federal contractors and subcontractors should ensure that their businesses comply with the DBA’s prevailing wage rates and labor standards requirements.

Scope and Coverage of DBA

In its simplest form, the DBA, enacted in 1931, requires federal contractors and subcontractors to pay prevailing wage rates and fringe benefits to certain construction workers employed on certain federal contracts.  The DOL’s Wage and Hour Division (“WHD”) administers and enforces the Act’s requirements on federally funded and assisted construction projects.  The DBA applies to contracts:

  1. Which the Federal Government or the District of Columbia is a party;

  2. For the construction, alteration, or repair, such as painting and decorating, of public buildings and public works to which the Federal Government or the District of Columbia is a party;

  3. Involving the employment of mechanics, laborers, and other workers that engage in manual or physical labor (except for individuals performing administrative, clerical, professional, or management work such as superintendents, project managers, engineers, or office staff); and

  4. Which are in excess of $2,000.

With respect to the DBA applying to federal contracts above $2,000, this value threshold only applies to the initial federal contract.  If the threshold is met, however, then the DBA applies to any lower-tier subcontracts even if the value of the subcontract is less than $2,000.

Requirements for Contractors and Subcontractors

There are various requirements for federal contractors and subcontractors under the DBA, which the United States Supreme Court has described as “a minimum wage law designed for the benefit of construction workers.”  The Act was designed to protect construction workers’ wage standards from federal contractors who may base their contract bids on wage rates that are lower than the local wage level.  Under the DBA, federal contractors and subcontractors are required, among other things, to do the following:

  1. Pay covered workers who work on the work site the prevailing wage rates and fringe benefits that are listed in the applicable wage determinations, which are provided by the WHD (the prevailing wage rate consists of both the basic hourly rate of pay and any fringe benefits to bona fide third-party plans, which may include medical insurance; life and disability insurance; pensions on retirement or death; compensation for injuries or illness resulting from occupational activity; or other bona fide fringe benefits – bona fide fringe benefits, however, do not include payments made by employer contractors or subcontractors that are required by other federal, state, or local laws such as required contributions to unemployment insurance);

  2. Maintain accurate payroll records for employees that must be submitted to the contracting agency on a weekly basis (within seven days following the regular pay date for the particular workweek), which must include the following for covered employees: (i) name; (ii) classification; (iii) daily and weekly hours worked; and (iv) deductions made and actual wages paid (there are additional recordkeeping requirements for federal contractors who employ apprentices or trainees under approved DOL programs);

    • Federal contractors and subcontractors are also required to preserve the payroll records for three years following the completion of the covered work, provide accessibility to the records upon request by the DOL or its representatives, and allow the DOL or its representatives to interview employees during work hours.

    • Federal contractors and subcontractors can use the WHD’s Form WH-347 to satisfy the weekly reporting requirements.

  3. With respect to prime or general contractors, they must ensure that specific contract clauses and the applicable wage determinations are inserted into any lower-tier subcontracts (the contract clauses cover the following: (i) construction wage rate requirements; (ii) withholding of funds; (iii) payrolls and basic records; (iv) apprentices and trainees; (v) compliance with requirements under the Copeland Act; (vi) requirements for subcontracts; (vii) contract termination – debarment; (viii) compliance with construction wage rate requirements and related regulations; (ix) disputes concerning labor standards; and (x) certification of eligibility); and

  4. Post a notice of the prevailing wages as to every classification of worker and an “Employee Rights under the DBA” poster in a prominent location that is easily accessible to the covered workers at the work site.

Practical Consideration in Compliance with DBA

Federal contractors and subcontractors should ensure that covered workers are properly classified for the work such individuals perform and paid in accordance with the prevailing wage rate for their classification.

Employers will often face recordkeeping challenges when they have nonexempt employees who perform covered (manual) work and non-covered (administrative) work in the same workweek.

In such instances, the employer must determine whether the employee is salaried or paid hourly.  If the employee is salaried, the employer must determine whether the employee’s salary is greater than or equal to the prevailing wage rate for the employee’s classification.  If not, the employer contractor is required to increase the employee’s pay for the week the covered work is performed.

Likewise, if the employee is paid hourly, then the employer must ensure the employee’s hourly rate is greater than or equal to the prevailing wage rate for the employee’s classification.

Federal contractors and subcontractors could face various consequences due to their failure to comply with the DBA, ranging from termination of the federal contract and debarment to a contracting agency withholding money due to the contractor to cover back wages due to employees as well as criminal prosecution.  Accordingly, federal contractors and subcontractors should consult with legal counsel to ensure they comply with the various DBA requirements for any covered contracts.

Article By Xavier D. Lightfoot and Devon D. Williams of Ward and Smith, P.A.

For more government contracts legal news, click here to visit the National Law Review.

© 2022 Ward and Smith, P.A.. All Rights Reserved.

Heated Debate Surrounds Proposed Federal Privacy Legislation

As we previously reported on the CPW blog, the leadership of the House Energy and Commerce Committee and the Ranking Member of the Senate Commerce Committee released a discussion draft of proposed federal privacy legislation, the American Data Privacy and Protection Act (“ADPPA”), on June 3, 2022. Signaling potential differences amongst key members of the Senate Committee on Commerce, Science, and Transportation, Chair Maria Cantwell (D-WA) withheld her support. Staking out her own position, Cantwell is reportedly floating an updated version of the Consumer Online Privacy Rights Act (“COPRA”), originally proposed in 2019.

Early Stakeholder Disagreement

As soon as a discussion draft of the ADPPA was published, privacy rights organizations, civil liberty groups, and businesses entered the fray, drawing up sides for and against the bill. The ACLU came out as an early critic of the legislation. In an open letter to Congress sent June 10, the group urged caution, arguing that both the ADPPA and COPRA contain “very problematic provisions.” According to the group, more time is required to develop truly meaningful privacy legislation, as evidenced by “ACLU state affiliates who have been unable to stop harmful or effectively useless state privacy bills from being pushed quickly to enactment with enormous lobbying and advertising support of sectors of the technology industry that resist changing a business model that depends on consumers not having protections against privacy invasions and discrimination.” To avoid this fate, the ACLU urges Congress to “bolster enforcement provisions, including providing a strong private right of action, and allow the states to continue to respond to new technologies and new privacy challenges with state privacy laws.”

On June 13, a trio of trade groups representing some of the largest tech companies sent their open letter to Congress, supporting passage of a federal privacy law, but ultimately opposing the ADPPA. Contrary to the position taken by the ACLU, the industry groups worry that the bill’s inclusion of a private right of action with the potential to recover attorneys’ fees will lead to litigation abuse. The groups took issue with other provisions as well, such as the legislation’s restrictions on the use of data derived from publicly-available sources and the “duty of loyalty” to individuals whose covered data is processed.

Industry groups and consumer protection organizations had the opportunity to voice their opinions regarding the ADPPA in a public hearing on June 14. Video of the proceedings and prepared testimony of the witnesses are available here. Two common themes arose in the witnesses’ testimony: (1) general support for federal privacy legislation; and (2) opposition to discrete aspects of the bill. As has been the case for the better part of a decade in which Congress has sought to draft a federal privacy bill, two fundamental issues continue to drive the debate and must be resolved in order for the legislation to become law: the private right of action to enforce the law and preemption of state laws or portions of them. . While civil rights and privacy advocacy groups maintain that the private right of action does not go far enough and that federal privacy legislation should not preempt state law, industry groups argue that a private right of action should not be permitted and that state privacy laws should be broadly preempted.

The Path Forward

The Subcommittee on Consumer Protection and Commerce of the House Energy and Commerce Committee is expected to mark up the draft bill the week of June 20. We expect the subcommittee to approve the draft bill with little or no changes. The full Energy and Commerce Committee should complete work on the bill before the August recess. Given the broad bipartisan support for the legislation in the House, we anticipate that the legislation, with minor tweaks, is likely to be approved by the House, setting up a showdown with the Senate after a decade of debate.

With the legislative session rapidly drawing to a close, the prospects for the ADPPA’s passage remain unclear. Intense disagreement remains amongst key constituency groups regarding important aspects of the proposed legislation. Yet, in spite of the differences, a review of the public comments to date regarding the ADPPA reveal one nearly unanimous opinion: the United States needs federal privacy legislation. In light of the fact that most interested parties agree that the U.S. would benefit from federal privacy legislation, Congress has more incentive than ever to reach compromise regarding one of the proposed privacy bills.

Article By Shea Leitch, Jeffrey L. Turner, Kristin L. Bryan, and Kyle R. Fath of Squire Patton Boggs (US) LLP

For more data privacy and cybersecurity legal news, click here to visit the National Law Review.

© Copyright 2022 Squire Patton Boggs (US) LLP

By Law, Everything Is Possible In California

The California Civil Code includes a number of decidedly gnomic provisions.  Section 1597 is one of these.  It purports to answer the question of what is possible:

Everything is deemed possible except that which is impossible in the nature of things.

The problem with the statute is that it doesn’t fully answer the question because to know what is possible, one must know what is impossible and the statute doesn’t provide a definition of impossibility.  In this regard, I am reminded of the following lines from James Joyce’s Ulysses: 

But can those have been possible seeing that they never were?  Or was that only possible which came to pass?

But why define what is possible?  The reason is that Civil Code requires that the object of a contract must, among other things, be possible by the time that it is to be performed.  Cal. Civ. Code § 1596.  When a contract that has a single object that is impossible of performance, the entire contract is void.  Cal. Civ. Code § 1598.

Happy Bloomsday!

Today is Bloomsday.  Joyce chose June 16, 1904 as the day on which most (but not all) of the action in Ulysses takes place.  It is called Bloomsday because the hero of the novel is Leopold Bloom.  It was on June 16, 1904 that Joyce and his future wife, Nora Barnacle, had their first date (and intimate contact).

1C8E1253-FA65-4ED3-B026-ABF4D9098AAC

Finn’s Hotel in Dublin, where Nora worked in 1904

Article By Keith Paul Bishop of Allen Matkins Leck Gamble Mallory & Natsis LLP

For more legislative legal news, click here to visit the National Law Review.

© 2010-2022 Allen Matkins Leck Gamble Mallory & Natsis LLP

States Target Infant Formula Price Gouging

There has been a nationwide shortage of infant formula following a recall and temporary closure of a major infant formula manufacturing facility in February 2022. This facility supplied as much as 40% of the nation’s infant formula. In the wake of these events, state attorneys general are on the lookout for unlawful price gouging of infant formula. Sellers of infant formula should make sure that they do not inadvertently run afoul of state price gouging restrictions.

State price gouging laws prohibit price increases above certain thresholds during a period of emergency. Several state governments have recently issued declarations or proclamations that trigger price increase limitations for infant formula, including in California (CA Exec. Order N-10-22, 6/7/2022), Oregon (OR Exec. Procl., 5/13/2022), Colorado (CO Exec. Order D-2022-021, 5/25/2022), New Jersey (NJ Exec. Order No. 296, 5/17/2022), and Kentucky (KY Exec. Order 2022-321, 6/9/2022). Each of these states has a different price gouging restriction. For instance, infant formula sold in California cannot exceed the February 17, 2022 price by more than 10% except in certain limited circumstances. Other states may have a different price increase threshold or a different benchmark date. Multi-state sellers must take care to comply with the restrictions in each state.

Several states, such as Colorado and Nevada, enacted new price gouging laws in the wake of the COVID-19 pandemic. See Colo. Rev. Stat. § 6-1-730; NRS § 598.09235. Enforcers have not had much experience enforcing these statutes, which may mean greater uncertainty for sellers in those states.

Most, but not all states have a price gouging law. In states that do not have a price gouging law, attorneys general will often seek to enforce their state’s unfair or deceptive trade practices act against reports of price gouging. For example, the attorney general of New Mexico, a state without a price gouging law, issued a press release on May 31, 2022 announcing that he is investigating complaints regarding infant formula price gouging. Similar to the COVID-19 pandemic, the infant formula shortage is triggering a variety of different price gouging restrictions in different states at the same time. Navigating the differences from state-to-state can be challenging, particularly in light of the new laws and amended laws that have been recently enacted. Sellers should review their normal pricing practices and make necessary changes to avoid inadvertently running afoul of the restrictions in a particular state.

Article By Leo Caseria and Thomas L. Tyson of Sheppard, Mullin, Richter & Hampton LLP

For more antitrust and trade regulation legal news, click here to visit the National Law Review.

Copyright © 2022, Sheppard Mullin Richter & Hampton LLP.