FCC’s New Notice of Inquiry – Is This Big Brother’s Origin Story?

The FCC’s recent Notice of Proposed Rulemaking and Notice of Inquiry was released on August 8, 2024. While the proposed Rule is, deservedly, getting the most press, it’s important to pay attention to the Notice of Inquiry.

The part which is concerning to me is the FCC’s interest in “development and availability of technologies on either the device or network level that can: 1) detect incoming calls that are potentially fraudulent and/or AI-generated based on real-time analysis of voice call content; 2) alert consumers to the potential that such voice calls are fraudulent and/or AI-generated; and 3) potentially block future voice calls that can be identified as similar AI-generated or otherwise fraudulent voice calls based on analytics.” (emphasis mine)

The FCC also wants to know “what steps can the Commission take to encourage the development and deployment of these technologies…”

The FCC does note there are “significant privacy risks, insofar as they appear to rely on analysis and processing of the content of calls.” The FCC also wants comments on “what protections exist for non-malicious callers who have a legitimate privacy interest in not having the contents of their calls collected and processed by unknown third parties?”

So, the Federal Communications Commission wants to monitor the CONTENT of voice calls. In real-time. On your device.

That’s not a problem for anyone else?

Sure, robocalls are bad. There are scams on robocalls.

But, are robocalls so bad that we need real-time monitoring of voice call content?

At what point, did we throw the Fourth Amendment out of the window and to prevent what? Phone calls??

The basic premise of the Fourth Amendment is “to safeguard the privacy and security of individuals against arbitrary invasions by governmental officials.” I’m not sure how we get more arbitrary than “this incoming call is a fraud” versus “this incoming call is not a fraud”.

So, maybe you consent to this real-time monitoring. Sure, ok. But, can you actually give informed consent to what would happen with this monitoring?

Let me give you three examples of “pre-recorded calls” that the real-time monitoring could overhear to determine if the “voice calls are fraudulent and/or AI-generated”:

  1. Your phone rings. It’s a prerecorded call from Planned Parenthood confirming your appointment for tomorrow.
  2. Your phone rings. It’s an artificial voice recording from your lawyer’s office telling you that your criminal trial is tomorrow.
  3. Your phone rings. It’s the local jewelry store saying your ring is repaired and ready to be picked up.

Those are basic examples, but for them to someone to “detect incoming calls that are potentially fraudulent and/or AI-generated based on real-time analysis of voice call content”, those calls have to be monitored in real-time. And stored somewhere. Maybe on your device. Maybe by a third-party in their cloud.

Maybe you trust Apple with that info. But, do you trust someone who comes up with fraudulent monitoring software that would harvest that data? How do you know you should trust that party?

Or you trust Google. Surely, Google wouldn’t use your personal data. Surely, they would not use your phone call history to sell ads.

And that becomes data a third-party can use. For ads. For political messaging. For profiling.

Yes, this is extremely conspiratorial. But, that doesn’t mean your data is not valuable. And where there is valuable data, there are people willing to exploit it.

Robocalls are a problem. And there are some legitimate businesses doing great things with fraud detection monitoring. But, a real-time monitoring edict from the government is not the solution. As an industry, we can be smarter on how we handle this.

U.S. Corporate Transparency Act: CTA is Declared Unconstitutional in U.S. District Court Case

The Corporate Transparency Act has been declared unconstitutional. On March 1, 2024, U.S. District Court Judge Liles C. Burke issued a 53-page opinion[1] granting summary judgment for the National Small Business Association and held that the Corporate Transparency Act “exceeds the Constitution’s limits on the legislative branch and lacks a sufficient nexus to any enumerated power to be a necessary or proper means of achieving Congress’ policy goals.”

As a result, Judge Burke found the CTA to be unconstitutional because it exceeds the Constitution’s limits on Congress’ power, without even reaching a decision on whether it violates the First, Fourth, and Fifth Amendments. The Court then permanently enjoined the government from enforcing the CTA against the named plaintiffs and ordered a further hearing on the award of costs of litigation.

While it is likely that this litigation will continue to play out in the federal court system, the initial victory has gone to small business and importantly that means that compliance with this now unconstitutional regulatory regime can be set aside for the current time being.


[1] Nat’l Small Bus. United v. Yellen, No. 5:22-cv-01448-LCB (N.D. Ala. 2022)

Lawsuits for Illegal Strip Searches

DETROIT — Strip searches are routinely performed by law enforcement officers of all types. This ranges from police to prison guards, as well as to TSA agents at airports in the United States.

Private security guards also perform strip searches, including in malls and retail stores.

While some strip searches are legal, others violate the person’s constitutional rights. In general, people have a reasonable expectation of privacy.

A public officer or private guard cannot simply conduct a strip search without a proper legal basis. When an illegal strip search occurs, the victim can file a lawsuit seeking compensation for the violation of protected rights.

The basis for most illegal strip search lawsuits is a violation of the Fourth Amendment of the U.S. Constitution. The text of the Fourth Amendment states:

“The right of the people to be secure in their persons, houses, papers, and effects, against unreasonable searches and seizures, shall not be violated, and no warrants shall issue, but upon probable cause, supported by oath or affirmation, and particularly describing the place to be searched, and the persons or things to be seized.”

The key words in the Fourth Amendment as it relates to an unlawful search are “unreasonable” and “probable cause.” Probable cause is a higher standard than reasonable suspicion. An officer does not have the right to search a person simply because there was a basis for stopping that person. In fact, most illegal strip searches are performed on people who are legitimately stopped or apprehended, but there is no legal basis to perform a subsequent search.

The main requirement is if the person being searched had a reasonable or legitimate expectation of privacy. Probable cause is required only when there is a reasonable expectation of privacy. When a search is disputed, what is “reasonable” is often determined by a judge or jury.

There are often even disputes as to what constitutes a strip search in the first place.

Different parties often have varying definitions of what constitutes a strip search. And, the context of each type of search may vary from one person to another.

For example, a prison guard performing a strip search may have one definition in mind that involves a physical search of the inmate’s body.  Others may have broader definitions as to what they define as a strip search.  Case law, both state and federal, have examined a variety of situations and fact patterns and their decisions form the basis of what is legal and what is not.

Some case law holds that complete nudity is required to be constituted as a strip search. Other cases hold that it is a lesser degree, and that a strip search can be illegal without the person being totally naked. There are many cases that also address the degree of the search itself and how invasive it is on the person being searched. This can vary on the type of crime suspected and the urgency to perform the search to preserve potential evidence against the person.

There have been many illegal strip search lawsuits filed throughout the United States. Most are based upon violations of the Fourth Amendment when asserted against a governmental agency, or person acting on behalf of the government. Other claims are brought under an invasion of privacy theory, and this theory is frequently used in cases against private individuals and entities.

In addition, there have been several class action lawsuits filed by prisoners and inmates at correctional facilities.   These cases allege that a large number of inmates were illegal searched by prison staff and correction officers. Several of these lawsuits have resulted in substantial class action settlements, including a $ 53 million settlement against Los Angeles County for illegal strip searches of thousands of women by law enforcement personnel.

Individual lawsuits seek compensatory damages for the harm suffered by the victim.  This includes both physical pain and suffering as well as mental anguish. The damages inflicted upon the victim often cause serious and permanent psychological harm.

Lawsuits hold the wrongdoers accountable for violating a person’s constitutional rights.  They also serve as a deterrence to future unlawful actions.  This helps to protect every person’s right to be free from an unlawful search and curbs systematic illegal actions of law enforcement.

Sources:

https://www.law.umich.edu/facultyhome/margoschlanger/Documents/Publications/Jail_Strip-Search_Cases.pdf

https://buckfirelaw.com/case-types/sexual-abuse/illegal-strip-search/

https://www.aclu.org/blog/criminal-law-reform/reforming-police/supreme-court-says-jails-can-strip-search-you-even-traffic

https://www.americanbar.org/groups/crsj/publications/human_rights_magazine_home/2013_vol_39/may_2013_n2_privacy/upending_human_dignity_fourth_amendment/


Buckfire & Buckfire, P.C. 2020
For more articles on the Fourth Amendment, visit the National Law Review Constitutional Law section.

Supreme Court’s Carpenter Decision Requires Warrant for Cell Phone Location Data

In a decision that defines how the Fourth Amendment applies to information collected in the digital age, the Supreme Court today held that police must use a warrant to obtain from a cell phone company records that detail the location and movements of a cell phone user.  The opinion in Carpenter v. United States limits the application of the third-party doctrine, holding that a warrant is required when an individual “has a legitimate privacy interest in records held by a third party.”

The 5-4 decision, written by Chief Justice John Roberts, emphasizes the sensitivity of cell phone location information, which the Court described as “deeply revealing” because of its “depth, breadth, and comprehensive reach, and the inescapable and automatic nature of its collection.”  Given its nature, “the fact that such information is gathered by a third party does not make it any less deserving of Fourth Amendment protection,” the Court held.

As we previously reportedCarpenter stems from a criminal investigation in Detroit in 2011, where the government acted without a warrant in obtaining 127 days’ worth of cell phone location records for two suspects.  The government obtained the data under the Stored Communications Act, 18 U.S.C. §§ 2703(c)(1)(B), (d), which requires a showing of reasonable suspicion — but does not require probable cause.  For one suspect, the records revealed 12,898 points of location data; for another, 23,034 location points.  Both suspects were convicted, based in part on cell phone location evidence that placed them near the crime scenes.

Sensitivity of Information

In requiring a warrant to obtain cell phone location information, the Court emphasized the sensitivity of that information, which it called “an entirely different species of business record” than bank records or phone numbers.  Cell phone location information “implicates basic Fourth Amendment concerns about arbitrary government power much more directly than corporate tax or payroll ledgers,” the Court explained.  Throughout the majority decision, Chief Justice Roberts invoked his 2014 opinion in Riley v. California to underscore the sensitivity of this information.  As Riley recognized, a cell phone today is almost a “feature of human anatomy” that “tracks nearly exactly the movements of its owner.”

The Court also focused on the “near perfect surveillance” achieved by cell phone location records — and lack of resource constraints in obtaining them.  Before the digital age, law enforcement officers could surveil a suspect for brief periods of time but doing so “for any extended period of time was difficult and costly and therefore rarely undertaken.”  Unlike traditional surveillance methods, “cell phone tracking is remarkably easy, cheap, and efficient,” the Court said.  “With just the click of a button, the Government can access each carrier’s deep repository of historical location information at practically no expense.”  Cell phone location records thus provide information “otherwise unknowable,” as if the Government “had attached an ankle monitor to the phone’s user.”  Moreover, the Court emphasized, cell phone location information is collected on all cell phone users — not just individuals under investigation — meaning the “newfound tracking capacity runs against everyone.”

Limits of Third-Party Doctrine

In concluding the third-party doctrine did not apply to cell phone location information, the Court said the information “does not fit neatly under existing precedents.”  Rather, it falls at the “at the intersection of two lines of cases.”  The first line addresses an individual’s expectation of privacy in his physical locations and movements.  The second line embodies the third-party doctrine, under which an individual has no legitimate expectation of privacy in information voluntarily turned over to third parties.

While Carpenter does not overrule the third-party doctrine, it substantially limits its application.  Applying the third-party doctrine to cell phone location information would not be a “straightforward application” as the Government urged, but a “significant extension” of the doctrine that the Court rejected.  The Government’s invocation of the third-party doctrine “fails to contend with the seismic shifts in digital technology,” the Court found.

According to the Court, there is “a world of difference between the limited types of personal information addressed in” the third-party doctrine cases and “the exhaustive chronicle of location information casually collected by wireless carriers today.”  Moreover, the information is “not truly ‘shared’ as one normally understands the term.”  In part, that is because “[v]irtually any activity on the phone” generates location information.  “Apart from disconnecting the phone from the network, there is no way to avoid leaving behind a trail of location data.”  As a result, the Court held that users do not voluntarily assume the risk of turning over a comprehensive dossier of their physical movements, the Court held.  It emphasized that the case is not about a person’s momentary location while “using a phone” but “about a detailed chronicle of a person’s physical presence compiled every day, every moment, over several years.”

Ramifications of Decision

Chief Justice Roberts emphasized that the opinion of the Court was narrow, noting that it does not overrule the third-party doctrine or affect cases relating to foreign affairs or national security.  According to the majority, the decision also does not call into question “conventional surveillance techniques and tools” nor apply to “other business records that might incidentally reveal location information.”  Justice Kennedy disagreed with this characterization of the Court’s opinion, observing in dissent that the decision “will have dramatic consequences for law enforcement, courts, and society as a whole.”  According to Justice Kennedy, the majority’s reasoning will “extend beyond cell-site records to other kinds of information held by third parties.”

Justices Alito, Thomas, and Gorsuch also filed separate dissents.  Justice Gorsuch’s dissent advocated for a property-based approach to the Fourth Amendment that would abandon both the third-party doctrine and the reasonable expectation of privacy test.  That approach would focus on whether the individual has a property interest in the records at issue.  Under that framework it is “entirely possible a person’s cell site data could qualify as his papers or effects,” Justice Gorsuch observed, even though a cell phone carrier holds the information.  But Carpenter failed to raise a property-based argument before the district court, the court of appeals, or the Supreme Court, and therefore “forfeited perhaps his most promising line of argument,” according to Justice Gorsuch.

Like Justice Kennedy, Justices Alito and Thomas argued in separate dissents that cell phone location information belongs to cell phone companies, not to cell phone users, and thus did not qualify for protection under the Fourth Amendment.  Justice Thomas focused on the fact that Carpenter “did not create the records, he does not maintain them, he cannot control them, and he cannot destroy them.”  Justice Alito also cautioned that the majority’s decision was overly broad and would invite a “blizzard of litigation” because the majority opinion offered “no meaningful limiting principle, and none is apparent.”

 

© 2018 Covington & Burling LLP