Proposed Washington State Law Would Create 32-Hour Workweek

New legislation recently introduced in the Washington State Legislature seeks to implement a 32-hour workweek for nonexempt Washington-based workers. If the proposal were to become law, employers would be required to pay overtime compensation to nonexempt employees whose workweeks exceed 32 hours.

Senate Bill (SB) 6516 proposes to amend RCW 49.46.130, the Washington law that establishes a 40-hour workweek in the state. Because the proposal would amend but not replace the existing law, the current exemptions would remain applicable—and none have been amended by the proposed bill. Instead, the bill’s proposed changes merely—but monumentally—revise the references in RCW 49.46.130 from a 40-hour workweek to a 32-hour workweek.

The lead cosponsor of SB 6516 is Washington State Senator Joe Nguyen. In several interviews, Senator Nguyen seems to view the proposal as a “conversation” starter and a “concept” to begin discussing. Because it appears to be a preliminary measure, we do not expect the proposal to pass, but, we will continue to follow SB 6516 closely and provide legislative updates as necessary.


© 2020, Ogletree, Deakins, Nash, Smoak & Stewart, P.C., All Rights Reserved.

For more on workweek hour legislation, see the National Law Review Labor & Employment law page.

House Committee Releases Framework for Comprehensive Climate Legislation

In early 2019, House of Representatives leadership directed each House committee to examine policies within its legislative jurisdiction to address the complex challenges of global climate change. In addition, House leadership created a Select Committee on the Climate Crisis, which would work with standing committees who have jurisdiction, such as the Energy and Commerce Committee, to deliver climate policy recommendations. Standing committees with jurisdiction, as well as the Select Committee, have been holding hearings, moving legislation, and asking the public for ideas and input since the 116th Congress convened in January of 2019.

As a result of these efforts, last week Democratic leadership of the House Energy & Commerce Committee announced their intention to release comprehensive climate change legislation—the Climate Leadership and Environmental Action for our Nation’s (CLEAN) Future Act. The Committee Democrats released a 15-page memorandum outlining the parameters, goals, and timeline for the Committee’s work on the forthcoming bill (the “Legislative Framework”). Comprehensive draft legislative text is expected to be released by the end of January. The Committee also announced its intentions to proceed with legislative action on some bills already introduced. The Committee’s Energy Subcommittee marked up nine such bills on January 9 and reported them for consideration by the full Committee.

Committee Democrats intend the forthcoming bill to create a process to vet and deliberate policies that would address the climate challenge.  It will provide an opportunity to analyze, debate, and refine policies proposed in the Legislative Framework.  At the press announcement, Committee Chair Frank Pallone (D-NJ) stated he intends to engage in the process on a bipartisan basis and hopes that Republicans will participate in the Committee’s forthcoming legislative efforts.

This alert examines the potential implications of the proposed legislation and provides a comprehensive breakdown by industry sector of the first major set of climate-related policy recommendations from the House Energy & Commerce Committee that could result in formal legislative action in over a decade.

Policy Recommendations

According to the Legislative Framework, the CLEAN Future Act would establish programs and policies aimed at achieving net-zero, economy-wide greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions by 2050. The legislation will be the product of a months-long fact-finding effort by the Committee, which has held fifteen climate-related hearings since the beginning of the 116th Congress and has solicited stakeholder input from the environmental community, environmental justice advocates, labor advocates, industry representatives, and the public. In addition, the legislation will incorporate numerous bills previously introduced by Democrats during this Congress.

The CLEAN Future Act is also notable for what it is not expected to include – a carbon tax or a cap-and-trade program. Committee Chairman Frank Pallone has stated that the CLEAN Future Act can achieve its goals without a carbon tax and that such a policy is outside the Committee’s jurisdiction in any event (the House Ways and Means Committee maintains jurisdiction over all tax-related matters). Jurisdictional boundaries also mean that the CLEAN Future Act does not include some additional provisions under the jurisdiction of other committees, such as energy technology research and development, agriculture, or potential tax-related policies.

Finally, the CLEAN Future Act would not remove any of the Environmental Protection Agency’s (EPA) existing authorities under the Clean Air Act to regulate GHG emissions, but rather would augment those authorities as discussed in the summary of the Legislative Framework, below.

Next Steps

The House Energy & Commerce Committee Leadership said they expect to release draft legislative text for the CLEAN Future Act by the end of January. In the interim, the Committee will continue to hold hearings and markups on smaller, sector-specific legislation that may be included in the broader CLEAN Future Act.

Other House committees are also working on climate policy. The House Select Committee on the Climate Crisis is set to release a suite of legislative recommendations in March to inform the development of climate change legislation considered by other Committees that have authority to legislate as well as conduct oversight. Last year, the House Science, Space, and Technology Committee, which has jurisdiction over the Department of Energy (DOE) research programs, approved a series of bills aimed at increasing and improving energy technology innovation. The House Natural Resources Committee introduced legislation in December 2019 that aims to achieve net-zero GHG emissions from public lands and waters by 2040. In addition, the House Ways and Means Committee released a discussion draft in November 2019 for the Growing Renewable Energy and Efficiency Now (GREEN) Act. The GREEN Act would extend and expand existing tax incentives that promote renewable energy and increase energy efficiency. If a carbon tax proposal emerges for Congressional consideration, it would come from that Committee as well.

Congressional Republicans and the White House have thus far opposed the kind of legislative and regulatory mandates contemplated for the CLEAN Future Act, instead offering support for policies that promote energy innovation through funding of research and development programs at DOE. In the Senate, the Energy and Natural Resources Committee, led by Chairman Lisa Murkowski (R-AK), is currently developing a comprehensive legislative package focused on energy innovation that could be voted on and readied for full Senate consideration in the first half of 2020.

It is possible that a set of climate-related bills that have been approved by other Committees could receive a House vote as a smaller legislative package this year, particularly as Speaker of the House Nancy Pelosi (D-CA) has committed to bringing climate change legislation for a vote on the House floor in 2020. Some candidates for inclusion in such a package are bills that were reported out of the House Science, Space, and Technology Committee that would reauthorize DOE research programs for wind, solar, geothermal, battery storage, and carbon capture and storage.

Even if the entirety of the CLEAN Future Act does not receive a vote in this Congress, entities in affected industries, states, and localities should consider participating in the public process to shape the bill because it is intended to lay down a marker for policies that Democrats are likely to pursue if they prevail in the Presidential election and gain additional seats in Congress.

Specific Elements of the CLEAN Future Act Described in the Legislative Framework

     Title I: National Climate Target for Federal Agencies

The CLEAN Future Act would direct all federal agencies to use existing authorities to achieve economy-wide net-zero GHG emissions by 2050. The bill would take a technology-neutral approach and direct the EPA to evaluate each agency’s plans, make recommendations, and report on progress each year.

     Title II: Power Sector

The CLEAN Future Act would establish a Clean Electricity Standard (CES) requiring all retail electricity suppliers to supply 100 percent clean energy by 2050. The Legislative Framework states that the CLEAN Future Act would incorporate elements of two separate CES bills, one introduced by Senator Tina Smith (D-MN) (S. 1359) and Congressman Ben Ray Lujan (D-NM) (H.R. 2597) and another currently being developed by Energy & Commerce Committee member Diana DeGette (D-CO). The CES under the CLEAN Future Act would allow suppliers to buy and trade clean energy credits, purchase them via auction, or pay an “alternative compliance payment.” As outlined, the CES would provide a limited pathway for continued use of coal and natural gas-fired power by authorizing fossil fuel generators with carbon intensities lower than 0.82 metric tons of CO2 (after any carbon capture) to receive partial credit. An outstanding issue is whether and how existing hydropower would be credited in the CES.

The bill would also direct the Federal Energy Regulatory Commission (FERC) to: (1) reform energy markets to reduce barriers to integration of clean resources—including energy storage systems and distributed energy resources—and (2) consider climate impacts in reviewing proposed new natural gas pipelines. It also mandates RTO and ISO membership for all electric providers and proposes reforms to the Public Utility Regulatory Policy Act of 1978 (PURPA) to promote energy storage deployment and “non-wires solutions,” as well as protecting qualifying facilities’ right-to-contract. Transmission, demand response, transformer reserves, and many other policies affecting the power sector are also addressed in the summary of the legislation.

     Title III: Buildings and Efficiency

According to the Legislative Framework, the CLEAN Future Act would establish targets for model building energy codes for use by states and localities, leading to a requirement of zero-energy-ready buildings by 2030.

     Title IV: Transportation

The CLEAN Future Act would direct EPA to set increasingly stringent GHG emission standards for light-, medium-, and heavy-duty vehicles. The bill would also provide support for the development of electric vehicles (EVs) and EV-charging infrastructure, a top priority for House Democrats. The Legislative Framework anticipates provisions for shifting to lower carbon transportation fuels, including for aviation and shipping.

     Title V: Industry

The CLEAN Future Act would establish a “Buy Clean Program” that sets carbon intensity performance targets for construction materials and other products used in federally-funded projects. The legislation would also extend eligibility of DOE’s Section 1703 Loan Guarantee Program to industrial decarbonization projects. Finally, the bill would establish a technology commercialization program for carbon capture and utilization and a prize for direct air capture technologies.

     Title VI: Environmental Justice

The CLEAN Future Act would codify Executive Order 12898 established by President Clinton, which requires federal agencies to integrate environmental justice into their missions. The bill would also introduce environmental justice considerations into the approval of state plans for air pollution regulation and disposal of hazardous waste.

     Title VII: Super Pollutants (Short-Lived Pollutants)

The Legislative Framework also describes provisions that would address short-lived climate pollutants, which account for 20 percent of U.S. GHG emissions on a carbon dioxide-equivalent basis. For example, the legislation would direct the oil and gas sector to reduce methane emissions 65 percent below 2012 levels by 2025, and 90 percent below 2012 levels by 2030. The bill would also prohibit routine flaring for new sources and limit routine flaring for existing sources to 80 percent below 2017 levels by 2025—with a complete phase-out of the practice by 2028. The bill would further direct EPA to regulate emissions from liquefied natural gas facilities and offshore oil and gas operations.

     Title VIII: Economy-wide Policies

Other provisions planned for the bill include energy efficiency programs, State Climate Plans, a National Climate Bank, and workforce training programs.

Regarding State Climate Plans, the bill would set a national climate standard of net-zero GHG emissions in each state by 2050 and grant states flexibility in developing policy plans to meet the standard. Each state plan would be subject to EPA approval. Funding for existing climate-related grant programs and funding for state initiatives are expected to be a significant part of this section of the legislation.

Regarding the National Climate Bank, the bill would incorporate previously introduced legislation, the National Climate Bank Act (H.R. 5416), aimed at mobilizing public and private capital to provide financing for low- and zero-emissions energy technologies, climate resiliency, building efficiency and electrification, industrial decarbonization, grid modernization, agriculture projects, and clean transportation. The bill would require the Bank to prioritize investments in communities that are disproportionately affected by the impacts of climate change.


© 2020 Van Ness Feldman LLP

For updates on the CLEAN Future Act, follow the National Law Review Environmental, Energy & Resources law page.

Florida’s Legislature to Consider Consumer Data Privacy Bill Akin to California’s CCPA

Florida lawmakers have proposed data privacy legislation that, if adopted, would impose significant new obligations on companies offering a website or online service to Florida residents, including allowing consumers to “opt out” of the sale of their personal information. While the bill (SB 1670 and HB 963) does not go as far as did the recent California Consumer Privacy Act, its adoption would mark a significant increase in Florida residents’ privacy rights. Companies that have an online presence in Florida should study the proposed legislation carefully. Our initial take on the proposed legislation appears below.

The proposed legislation requires an “operator” of a website or online service to provide consumers with (i) a “notice” regarding the personal information collected from consumers on the operator’s website or through the service and (ii) an opportunity to “opt out” of the sale of certain of a consumer’s personal information, known as “covered information” in the draft statute.

The “notice” would need to include several items. Most importantly, the operator would have to disclose “the categories of covered information that the operator collects through its website or online service about consumers who use [them] … and the categories of third parties with whom the operator may share such covered information.” The notice would also have to disclose “a description of the process, if applicable, for a consumer who uses or visits the website or online service to review and request changes to any of his or her covered information. . . .” The bill does not otherwise list when this “process” would be “applicable,” and it nowhere else appears to create for consumers any right to review and request changes.

While the draft legislation obligates operators to stop selling data of a consumer who submits a verified request to do so, it does not appear to require a description of those rights in the “notice.” That may just be an oversight in drafting. In any event, the bill is notable as it would be the first Florida law to require an online privacy notice. Further, a “sale” is defined as an exchange of covered information “for monetary consideration,” which is narrower than its CCPA counterpart, and contains exceptions for disclosures to an entity that merely processes information for the operator.

There are also significant questions about which entities would be subject to the proposed law. An “operator” is defined as a person who owns or operates a website or online service for commercial purposes, collects and maintains covered information from Florida residents, and purposefully directs activities toward the state. That “and” is assumed, as the proposed bill does not state whether those three requirements are conjunctive or disjunctive.

Excluded from the definition of “operator” is a financial institution (such as a bank or insurance company) already subject to the Gramm-Leach-Bliley Act, and an entity subject to the Health Insurance Portability and Accountability Act of 1996 (HIPAA). Outside of the definition of “operator,” the proposed legislation appears to further restrict the companies to which it would apply, to eliminate its application to smaller companies based in Florida, described as entities “located in this state,” whose “revenue is derived primarily from a source other than the sale or lease of goods, services, or credit on websites or online services,” and “whose website or online service has fewer than 20,000 unique visitors per year.” Again, that “and” is assumed as the bill does not specify “and” or “or.”

Lastly, the Department of Legal Affairs appears to be vested with authority to enforce the law. The proposed legislation states explicitly that it does not create a private right of action, although it also says that it is in addition to any other remedies provided by law.

The proposed legislation is part of an anticipated wave of privacy legislation under consideration across the country. California’s CCPA took effect in January and imposes significant obligations on covered businesses. Last year, Nevada passed privacy legislation that bears a striking resemblance to the proposed Florida legislation. Other privacy legislation has been proposed in Massachusetts and other jurisdictions.


©2011-2020 Carlton Fields, P.A.

For more on new and developing legislation in Florida and elsewhere, see the National Law Review Election Law & Legislative News section.

Federal Court Issues Eleventh-Hour TRO to Enjoin Enforcement of California’s Controversial New Independent Contractor Law for 70,000 Independent Truckers

On January 1, 2020, California’s new independent contractor statute, known as AB 5, went into effect.  The law codifies the use of an “ABC” test to determine if an individual may be classified as an independent contractor.

The hastily passed and controversial statute has been challenged by a number of groups as being unconstitutional and/or preempted by federal law, including ride-share and delivery companies and freelance writers.

Just hours before AB 5 went into effect, a California federal court in San Diego enjoined enforcement of the statute as to some individuals – approximately 70,000 independent truckers, many of whom have invested substantial sums of money to purchase their own trucks and to work as “owner-operators.”

In the lawsuit, the California Trucking Association (“CTA”) has alleged that the “ABC” test set forth in AB 5 is preempted by the Federal Aviation Administration Authorization Act of 1994 (“FAAAA”).

The CTA asserts that the FAAA preempts the “B” prong because it will effectively operate as a de facto prohibition on motor carriers contracting with independent owner-operators, and will therefore directly impact motor carriers’ services, routes, and prices, in contravention of the FAAA’s preemption provision.

The CTA further contends that the test imposes an impermissible burden on interstate commerce, in violation of the Commerce Clause of the U.S. Constitution.  The CTA asserts that the test would deprive motor carriers of the right to engage in the interstate transportation of property free of unreasonable burdens, as motor carriers would be precluded from contracting with a single owner-operator to transport an interstate load that originates or terminates in California.  Instead, motor carriers would be forced to hire an employee driver to perform the leg of the trip that takes place in California.



©2020 Epstein Becker & Green, P.C. All rights reserved.

SECURE Act Brings About Significant Changes to IRAs

As we reach the end of 2019 and prepare to flip the calendar to 2020, Congress and the president have finally passed the SECURE (Setting Every Community Up for Retirement Enhancement) Act. The act brings about significant changes to federal tax law impacting individuals and business owners alike. Here are some of the law’s most significant provisions:

Removes Some Stretch Distributions for Inherited IRAs

This is a long-expected change that significantly impacts what an IRA beneficiary receives upon the death of the account owner. Under current law, any traditional IRA account owner must begin taking required minimum distributions (RMDs) from the IRA upon reaching age 70½. If the account owner dies after that age, any funds remaining in the IRA at the owner’s death may be inherited, with the RMDs being paid out to the heir over his or her life expectancy in most cases. This stretch enabled a younger beneficiary to grow the inherited IRA substantially (and tax-free), sometimes over many decades.

As a result of the SECURE Act, most beneficiaries will be required to distribute the entirety of an inherited IRA over a 10-year period. The writing has been on the wall since 2014 when the Supreme Court declared that an inherited IRA in the hands a non-spouse beneficiary was not a retirement account in the bankruptcy context (Clark v. Rameker). However, RMDs payable to the following persons still qualify for the stretch:

  • Surviving spouse of an account owner
  • Person who is not more than 10 years younger than the account owner
  • Minor child of the account owner
  • Disabled person
  • Chronically ill person

These new RMD rules apply to retirement accounts whose owners die after December 31, 2019.

Increases RMD Ages

As noted above, under current law, any traditional IRA owner must begin taking RMDs upon reaching age 70½. Under the SECURE Act, this age has been raised to 72, providing for a slightly increased period of tax deferral as well as greater clarity given the lack of half-birthday celebrations.

Removes Age Limitations on Traditional IRA Contributions

Under current law, while an individual could contribute to a Roth IRA without any age restriction, contributions to a traditional IRA were disallowed upon attaining age 70½. As a result of the SECURE Act, any individual may continue contributing to a traditional IRA throughout his/her lifetime with no age restriction.

The benefit of the removal of the contribution age restriction is significantly muted when read in conjunction with the removal of the stretch distributions for non-spousal beneficiaries above. Nevertheless, the removal of age restrictions on contributions presents an attractive tax deferral opportunity for the septuagenarian wage earner with a younger spouse who is named as the IRA’s beneficiary.

Adds Penalty-Free Distributions for Birth of Child or Adoption

As a default rule, withdrawals from retirement accounts prior to age 59 1/2 are subject to income tax on the withdrawn amount plus a 10 percent penalty. The SECURE Act provides a specific carve-out from the penalty if the funds – up to $5,000 – are withdrawn in order to pay expenses associated with a qualified birth or adoption. You’ll still pay income tax on the funds withdrawn but only if they aren’t repaid.

Adds Qualified 529 Plan Expenditures

The Tax Cuts and Jobs Act signed into law back in December 2017 permitted 529 account funds to be used for the payment of K-12 education expenses on behalf of the account beneficiary. The SECURE Act further expands the list of permissible uses of 529 funds to include costs associated with registered apprenticeships and student loan repayments.

Unfortunately, Michigan residents are still in a strange limbo with regard to using 529 account funds to pay K-12 education expenses as Michigan has not amended state law in coordination with the change in federal law. As a result, while withdrawals from 529 accounts for K-12 education expenses are explicitly qualified withdrawals under federal tax law, they may or may not be qualified expenses under Michigan state law. This position is further complicated by the presence of the Blaine amendment in Michigan’s constitution requiring that no money be appropriated from the state treasury for the benefit of any religious sect. If the Michigan Department of Revenue determined that withdrawals for the payment of K-12 education expenses were not qualified, any income withdrawn from the 529 account would be subject to income tax as ordinary income along with a 10 percent penalty.

Enhances Small Employer Access to Retirement Plans

Congress previously authorized the creation of the SIMPLE (1996) and SEP (1978) IRAs in an effort to improve access to retirement accounts for small employers. In the SECURE Act, Congress acknowledged that those previous efforts produced some success but left room for improvement. The new law should increase the willingness of small employers to participate in pooled retirement plans by softening the impact for an employer when another employer in a pooled plan fails.

The act also increases the credit for plan start-up costs, which will make it more affordable for small businesses to set up retirement plans. The existing $500 credit is increased by changing its calculation from a flat dollar amount to the greater of (1) $500 or (2) the lesser of (a) $250 multiplied by the number of nonhighly compensated employees of the eligible employer who are eligible to participate in the plan or (b) $5,000.

The SECURE Act will bring about both opportunities and complications for individuals planning their own financial futures as well as employers seeking to maximize their attractiveness to potential employees.


© 2019 Varnum LLP

For more on retirement regulation, see the National Law Review Labor & Employment law page.

The Impeachment Process: Politics, Procedure and Next Steps

The US House of Representatives is set to vote this week on impeaching President Donald Trump, and the impeachment vote is expected to pass.  This will set the stage for the next step in the impeachment process;  the third-ever Senate impeachment trial.

We thought this would be a good time to recap the steps in the impeachment process to better understand, procedurally, how the impeachment case against President Trump reached this point, and what is expected next.  Also, we wanted to dig into some of the issues which have been brought up as problematic by the Republican minority in the House related to the impeachment process and the structure of the House hearings.

Jeffrey S. Robbins, a litigation partner at the Boston offices of Saul Ewing Arnstein & Lehr LLP, served as Chief Counsel for the Minority (the Democrats) for the United States Senate Permanent Subcommittee on Investigations, and Deputy Chief Counsel for the Minority for the Senate Governmental Affairs Committee during its 1997 investigation into allegations of fundraising improprieties by the Clinton-Gore Administration during the 1996 presidential campaign.  Mr. Robbins was kind enough to share his expertise on past congressional investigations to help sort through some of the procedural issues raised and help us understand if the process, so far, has proceeded in a usual manner.

NLR: Impeachment is a three-step process, beginning with an investigation in the house and then a vote on articles of impeachment, then a trial in the Senate. What kind of evidence is the House looking for during the investigation stage prior to voting on articles of impeachment?

Robbins: The House committees are looking for the strongest quantum of evidence possible that the President engaged in conduct which amounts to an identifiable “crime,” since a conservative reading of the Constitution holds that some form of crime, at least, is necessary for impeachment.

House Republicans have complained about the limited access to closed-door House impeachment investigation and depositions leading up to the House’s impeachment vote should all be public and the transcripts should be released. Access to the House’s investigative hearings has been limited to members of the three House committees involved– Foreign Affairs, Intelligence and Oversight, and Reform which have a majority of Democratic House Members but Republican committee members can participate in the investigation and question the parties being deposed. Intelligence Committee Chairman Adam Schiff, D-Calif., said private sessions are needed to prevent witnesses from hearing each other, the same protocol used by prosecutors in criminal investigations.  House Minority Leader Kevin McCarthy, R-Calif., called Schiff a liar and a partisan leading a witch hunt and that the venerable Intelligence Committee has become the partisan Impeachment Committee.

NLR: How much of the House’s investigation needs to be in the form of public hearings?

Robbins: There is no Constitutional requirement that impeachment hearings be public or private, but as a practical and a political matter, it is obvious that impeachment hearings need to be conducted in public; after all, building public support for impeachment is a sine qua non (an essential condition) of a vote to impeach, let alone a vote to convict. On the other hand, there is nothing remotely nefarious about what the Minority refers to as “closed door” depositions; Congressional investigations routinely utilize depositions, by definition closed to the public, as a device to ascertain which witnesses have relevant evidence and what that relevant evidence is, in order to assess the strength of a “case” and to more effectively organize any public hearings associated with the investigation.

Intelligence Committee Chairman Adam Schiff said private sessions are needed to prevent witnesses from hearing each other. House and Minority Leader Kevin McCarthy said “I can’t even go down there and read the transcript,” alleging that Republicans have not been allowed to cross-examine the hearing witnesses, which is not accurate.

The reality is that Republicans have participated in each deposition, but their role is limited by the Democratic committee majority. Both Republicans and the Democrats get equal time to ask questions.  Forty-seven Republicans from the Intelligence, Foreign Affairs, and Oversight Committees have been allowed to attend and participate in the depositions.

NLR: What actually goes on in Congressional hearings? What is the timeline between the hearings and the public testimony?

Robbins: From personal experience, I can tell you that the preparation to question witnesses in a Congressional investigation is an intense process, made all the more intense by the volume of material that has to be consumed in order to question effectively and by the shortage of time within which to consume it. Here, for example, there is a steady drumbeat of witnesses being called for deposition on only a few days’ notice to all concerned, and then only a week or so between the deposition and the public hearing. The process is made more intense by the fact that there are other staff lawyers, and Members, and communications experts, all of whom quite properly want to weigh in on the thrust of the questioning, the messaging of the questioning, and the like.

In the hearings, according to the Wall Street Journal, Adam Schiff opens with remarks and then invites a Republican counterpart to do the same.  Each party receives a block of time to ask questions, and a timekeeper keeps track and moves the proceedings along.  Rep. Mark Meadows (R., N.C.), told the Wall Street Journal that each party gets equal time.  “There is a clock, with a timekeeper,” he said.  Other Republicans, including Reps. Jim Jordan of Ohio and Scott Perry of Pennsylvania have been attending the hearings regularly.  Besides Mr. Schiff, Reps. Jamie Raskin of Maryland, Sean Patrick Maloney of New York, Eric Swalwell of California and Gerry Connolly of Virginia have been attending for the Democrats.  Eventually, the committee voted down party lines to advance the impeachment proceedings.

Complicating the evidence-gathering process is the lack of cooperation from the White House, including Trump administration officials defying subpoenas.  Per Adam Schiff, the White House isn’t cooperating and is defying several subpoenas, which Schiff predicted would be considered obstruction and additional evidence “of the wrongfulness of the President’s underlying misconduct.”  When the House Leadership unveiled the articles of impeachment on December 10, 2019, they first focused on the Trump’s pressuring of Ukraine to investigate Joe Biden before the 2020 election by delaying a White House meeting and $400 million in US Security Aid, but the second focused on the obstruction related to the investigation into his misconduct.

NLR: What are the consequences if a witness refuses to testify at a hearing, or otherwise ignores a subpoena? 

Robbins: Under law, there are to be consequences to refusal to testify or disobedience of a subpoena to produce documents, in particular, contempt findings that are appropriately enforced by federal courts.

Mr. Schiff, accused by House minority Whip Steve Scalise of “…trying to impeach a president of the United States… behind closed doors,” pointed out that the president’s former attorney, Michael Cohen, pled guilty to lying to Congress out of loyalty to the president, and was recently sentenced to three years in prison as a result. Still, the White House has consistently refused to cooperate with the inquiry, citing executive privilege as justification to keep those subpoenaed from actually appearing under oath. Citing executive privilege is a not-uncommon tactic to prevent disclosure of goings-on at the top end of the executive branch, but it doesn’t always work well for those using it, and the privilege itself remains a cloudy legal concept.

NLR: What privileges, if any, can a witness assert?

Robbins: With respect to privileges, there are, of course, the “Big Three”: the attorney-client privilege, the Executive Privilege, and the Fifth Amendment. When those privileges are invoked, as a practical matter they are beyond being challenged, except in extreme circumstances, and for the purpose of this impeachment proceeding, where the time constraints are what they are, if they are invoked their invocation will effectively block disclosure of evidence.

There have been many examples of witnesses invoking their Fifth Amendment rights to avoid answering questions in Congressional hearings.  One prominent example is the case of Lt. Colonel Oliver North in the hearings around the Iran-Contra affair during Ronald Reagan’s presidency.

NLR: If the House votes to ratify the articles of impeachment, the Senate will hold a trial.  Who acts as a prosecutor in this instance, and who acts for the defense?  How is that determined?

Robbins: Since the House is the indicting authority, it will choose who presents the case for removal to the Senate. It will in all likelihood be one or more members of the House.

By way of reference, for President Andrew Johnson’s impeachment trial in 1868, an impeachment committee was made up of seven members of Congress, led by Thaddeus Stevens.  President Bill Clinton’s impeachment featured a team of thirteen House Republicans from the Judiciary Committee.

NLR: Why does the Supreme Court get involved in impeachment proceedings, and what is their role?

Robbins: As for the role of the Supreme Court, it is the Chief Justice who presides over the trial, per the Constitution, and it is he who will be involved in those proceedings, and not the full Court—at least this has not occurred in our limited experience with impeachment.

While it may seem plain that the Supreme Court would have a larger role in the impeachment proceedings, that’s not truly the case. The chief justice is, of course, given the power to preside of the Senate trial by the Constitution as a part of the doctrine of separation of powers – as Justice Joseph Story argued – removing the Vice President from Senate leadership to uphold the trial’s impartiality. Should there be a conviction in the Senate, and the convicted president were to try and engage the highest court, SCOTUS has already found that the Senate’s impeachment procedures are nonjusticiable, because of Article I’s designation of the Senate as the “sole power to try all impeachments” (Nixon v United States, 1993).

Many thanks to Mr. Robbins for his time and for helping break down these complex issues during a complicated time.


Copyright ©2019 National Law Forum, LLC

Statutory Interpretation and TCJA

INTRODUCTION

As a result of the passage of the 2017 Tax Cut and Jobs Act (“TCJA”),1 tools and techniques of statutory construction might soon become more significant in tax disputes. Under the accustomed tools of statutory construction, the TCJA can present significant challenges both for taxpayers who seek to interpret the statute and those who become entangled in controversy with the IRS.

This article identifies several of those challenges and offers some observations and potential solutions in the context of a statutory provision for which the Treasury Department has not yet issued regulations or other administrative guidance. The topic of TCJA interpretation in the context of agency guidance2 is sufficiently complex that it merits, we believe, a separate, forthcoming article.

IDENTIFIED ISSUES WITH THE TCJA

The TCJA is accurately viewed as the most significant revision to the Internal Revenue Code since the Tax Reform Act of 1986. Significant tax legislation, however, typically “has the benefit of multiple iterations and extensive congressional discussion.” Congress passed the TCJA less than two months after its introduction in the House of Representatives.

Practitioners and commentators quickly pointed out areas that were ambiguous or could lead to apparently unintended consequences.3 Senators “responsible for drafting” the bill felt it appropriate to write the Department of the Treasury to “clarify the congressional intent” of TCJA.4 The Congressional “Blue Book” on the statute, in a development unprecedented in the experience of the authors, identified approximately 80 areas where further “technical correction may be needed to carry out [Congressional] intent.”5 Some statutory areas have become troublesome even before the IRS conducts any audit of the relevant tax years; almost certainly other disputes will doubtless arise after audit activity begins.

Because of the effective dates of various provisions, Treasury has been unable to issue guidance soon enough to correct many difficulties.6 Similarly, there is no indication that technical corrections legislation is close at hand. Given the dates for many 2018 returns, corporations will need to make decisions about the proper application of the TCJA. Many of these decisions, often made under significant uncertainty, are likely to generate controversies with the IRS. Even if the question does not result in a dispute with the IRS, any taxpayer who makes a judgment on the statute engages at some level in statutory construction, with the possibility that the attendant uncertainty might extend to financial statement reporting.

Statutory interpretation has always been a special province of the courts. Therefore, taxpayers seeking to interpret a provision or defend their interpretation should focus on how courts would apply their methods of statutory construction to resolve these questions.

GENERAL PRINCIPLES OF STATUTORY CONSTRUCTION

A Cautionary Tale

Statutory interpretation presents complex legal issues. Because appellate courts look at such issues without deference to a lower court’s findings, appeals become both more likely and more subject to uncertainty. Therefore, a taxpayer would be well-advised to consider the extent to which arguments regarding the construction of a statute should be presented to reflect the likely approach of a Court of Appeals or other tribunal experienced in statutory interpretation.

A good example arises in a case litigated by one of the authors, in which the lower court and appellate court came to diametrically opposed views, reflecting their varying choice of interpretative technique. In The Limited, the case turned on whether a related-party credit card company was “carrying on the banking business” under section 956, which would exempt the taxpayer from Subpart F.7 The Tax Court, finding no definition of the phrase in the Internal Revenue Code, looked to the legislative history, and after extensive analysis, interpreted the phrase to include only banking services that facilitate U.S. business activities of CFCs.8

The Circuit Court took a simpler approach. Although the phrase was undefined, it was “not necessary to look beyond [its] ordinary meaning.” The court then corroborated its interpretation by using the canon construction noscitur a sociis, which “directs us to look to accompanying words.”9

The case serves as a lesson for a point made by the Ninth Circuit in its Xilinx reversal of the Tax Court: “[A]s every judge knows, the canons of construction are many and their interaction complex.”10 Any taxpayer’s strategy must address not only how to win the fight on applying a specific technique of statutory interpretation, but also how to defend the broader, threshold question of choosing the most appropriate interpretative technique that is to be applied.

B. The Overall Approach

Despite the welter of tools to assist in statutory construction, a sound analysis should continually measure its progress and results against the overall approach of statutory construction — making the appropriate choice of interpretative tools, and using the appropriate sequence to apply those tools. This is, after all, the mistake that the Sixth Circuit flagged in The Limited, and it has arisen in other Court of Appeals decisions reversing the Tax Court.11

To our minds, a good articulation of the overall approach came from the Tax Court, clearly mindful of where an appeal would lie. A taxpayer would be well-advised to construct a similar formulation for its case with the relevant Court of Appeals in mind:

The Fifth Circuit follows the usual rules: If the statute is plain and unambiguous, we stop. United States v. Shabazz, 633 F.3d 342, 345 (5th Cir. 2011). We assume the statute was written as Congress intended. Conn. Nat’l Bank v. Germain, 503 U.S. 249, 253-54 (1992). It is the text, not the legislative history, that is the most reliable indicator of Congress’s intent. Marques v. Lynch, 834 F.3d 549, 553 (5th Cir. 2016); Martinez v. Mukasey, 519 F.3d 532, 543 (5th Cir. 2008). If there is ambiguity and it’s necessary to resort to legislative history, we do so with caution. Burlington N. & Santa Fe Ry. Co. v. Bhd. of Maint. of Way Emps., 286 F.3d 803, 805 (5th Cir. 2002); Boureslan v. Aramco, 857 F.2d 1014, 1018 (5th Cir. 1988).12

Experience has shown that, quite frequently, the real debate in a judge’s mind is not how to use the technique a taxpayer proposes, but rather whether to use that technique at all. It is essential for a taxpayer to deal decisively with the threshold question of why a court (or other decision-maker) should respect a taxpayer’s choice among the three broad possibilities to statutory interpretation in the absence of, or prior to, administrative guidance: (1) stick with the plain language, (2) use certain rules called “canons” of construction to interpret the statute, or (3) turn to legislative history and other sources outside the statute, known as “extrinsic aids.”

INTRINSIC SOURCES

Plain Meaning Rule

The purpose of all statutory interpretation approaches is to discern the intention of the legislature in passing its legislation.13 That interpretation begins with statutory language.14 The meaning of a statute “must, in the first instance, be sought in the language in which the act is framed, and if that is plain, and if the law is within the constitutional authority of the lawmaking body which passed it, the sole function of the courts is to enforce it according to its terms.”15

The apparent conceptual starkness of this plain meaning rule, however, can be deceptive. It is often the case that “[w]hether or not words of a statute are clear is itself not always clear.”16 For one thing, in deciding whether the language is plain, courts “must read the words in their context and with a view to their place in the overall statutory scheme.17 This admonition is important because, without proper preparation, a litigant could find its “plain meaning” argument unseated by a more complex, counter “plain meaning” argument reflecting such “context” and “the overall statutory scheme.”18

It is crucial to bear in mind that even when a court determines that a statute’s language is “clear and unambiguous,” the court may either overtly or silently consider other aids to statutory construction. Therefore, even for a provision that has a clear discerned “plain meaning,” a taxpayer should assess the aids to interpretation that are used for situations in which it is not so easy to discern any plain meaning.

B. Canons of Statutory Construction

Beyond the plain meaning rule, other “canons” of construction provide assistance on how to interpret a statutory provision. As in all areas of statutory construction, whether to use or not use such a canon is left to the judgment of the decision-maker. The canons of statutory construction are not binding, mandatory rules; instead, they serve as “guides” that can be “overcome” by other evidence of legislative intent.19 In a dispute over a statute, a taxpayer must offer these canons with some care. The indiscriminate use of such canons can lead to a mere “battle of the maxims,” which can then cause a court to construct its own analysis entirely anew.20

C. A Starting Canon: In Favor of the Taxpayer

The general canon of construction is that statutes imposing a tax are interpreted liberally (in favor of the taxpayer).21 This canon is, of course, important because of its obvious, overall application to matters concerning the Internal Revenue Code. This canon serves as a starting point for statutory analysis.

There are, however, notable qualifications. First, this canon yields to the also “familiar” rule that “an income tax deduction is a matter of legislative grace and that the burden of clearly showing the right to the claimed deduction is on the taxpayer.”22 Second, as taxpayers would expect, this canon is subject to some nuanced limitations, and it does not confer a taxpayer victory with every ambiguous statute.23 Third, although this canon has been cited in dozens of opinions issued by Courts of Appeals and District Courts, we are unable to find a citation by the Tax Court,24 perhaps suggesting that the Tax Court finds it relatively less useful as a canon. Fourth, at least one court believes that this canon is a “presumption”, and it should not be used until after all other aids.25

Even with these limitations, the consequences of this maxim can be transformative. For example, in reversing the Tax Court in The Limited, the canon was crucial to the appellate court’s reversal: “Before the Tax Court read in the complex business-facilitation requirement, it should have instead relied on another principle of statutory interpretation — statutes imposing a tax should be interpreted liberally in favor of the taxpayer.”26

D. Use of Dictionary Definitions

The starting point for statutory interpretation is the “fundamental canon of statutory construction” that, “unless otherwise defined, words will be interpreted as taking their ordinary, contemporary, common meaning.”27 In the search for such ordinary and common meaning, courts frequently turn to dictionary definitions. Generally, judges view these references as mere confirmation of customary language and common understandings of words, rather than as extra-textual material.28 Courts will often follow a dictionary definition unless Congress has provided an alternative definition.29 Further, courts attempt to consider dictionary definitions that are contemporaneous to the time the statute was enacted.30

Taxpayers should be aware that courts may well object to the use of dictionaries to support plain meaning where a litigant attempts to use those dictionary definitions to create more ambiguity. One of the more forceful objections was in an en banc opinion of the Fifth Circuit. The Court noted the extensive ability to manufacture ambiguity: Because most words have “secondary and tertiary meanings … essentially every non-technical word in every statute would have the potential of being ambiguous.”31 Courts have also expressed caution in other circumstances because dictionaries lack any sense of how each word is used, and therefore a litigant should anticipate this concern.32 Finally, a Tax Court opinion has pointed out that major dictionaries have different “flavors” and therefore might be more or less suited to a task at hand.33 Therefore, a taxpayer attempting to use dictionary definitions should be aware that, despite the power of plain meaning and courts’ frequent use of dictionaries to resolve that plain meaning, a dictionary rule does not have unlimited power.34

The Specific over the General

Another canon of statutory construction is that “a specific statute controls over a general one without regard to priority of enactment.”35 For the TCJA, this canon can have recurrent relevant both because the 2017 legislation purports to override prior provisions and concepts that were not removed from the Internal Revenue Code, and because the TCJA itself might generate disagreement over the extent to which its specific terms supersede its more general terms.

The specific-over-general canon is so venerable that 130 years ago it was already a “familiar” rule:

It is an old and familiar rule that “where there is, in the same statute, a particular enactment, and also a general one, which, in its most comprehensive sense, would include what is embraced in the former, the particular enactment must be operative, and the general enactment must be taken to affect only such cases within its general language as are not within the provisions of the particular enactment.36

This canon applies without regard to which provision was enacted first and subsequently.37 Perhaps its “most frequent[ ]” application is the conflict between “a general permission or prohibition [and] … a specific prohibition or permission,” but it also applies to the conflict between a “general authorization and a more limited, specific authorization.”38

It is useful to bear in mind these two applications for conceptual and strategic reasons. If a prohibition conflicts with permission (or the inverse), then the specific-over-general is used to avoid contradiction. If, however, a general prohibition conflicts with a specific prohibition, then the canon “avoids not contradiction but the superfluity of a specific provision that is swallowed by the general one.”39 A 2015 Circuit Court opinion demonstrates the fatal disconnect that can arise when a taxpayer pursues the “no contradiction” strategy and the court formulates the issue as a question of “superfluity.”40

Courts have also attempted to avoid application of the specific-over-general canon by reading of either or both of the statutory provisions in a way that avoids conflict and therefore avoids application of the canon.41 Courts might, therefore, impose high standards on a taxpayer seeking to use this canon by requiring a manifest demonstration that there is a conflict.42 Courts have avoided statutory conflict by distinguishing statutory provisions at high conceptual levels.43 Therefore, taxpayers would be well-advised to explore and exhaust all possibilities for reconciling the two apparently conflicting provisions.

Ejusdem Generis

Related to the specific-over-general is the canon of ejusdem generis, which can support a narrow reading of a facially broad term. “Under the principle of ejusdem generis, when a general term follows a specific one, the general term should be understood as a reference to subjects akin to the one with specific enumeration.”44 A long-standing example of the canon in tax law is the interpretation of the general term in “fire, storm, shipwreck, or other casualty.”45 Under ejusdem generis, the omnibus phrase “other casualty” is “restricted to things of the same kind or quality as those specifically enumerated.”46 Courts, therefore, have interpreted “other casualty” narrowly to mean “a loss proximately caused by a sudden, unexpected or unusual event” and to exclude “progressive deterioration of property through a steadily operating cause.”47

A taxpayer who attempts to apply ejusdem generis should be aware of several pitfalls. First, a taxpayer must demonstrate that there is an actual “enumeration.” Courts have declined to apply the canon when there is no “list” of items:

[T]he principle of [is] a fancy way of saying that where general words follow an enumeration of two or more things, they apply only to persons or things of the same general kind or class specifically mentioned. But section 468 doesn’t have a list — it just says “taxpayer”. Without a generis, there is no ejusdem and this canon likewise cannot help us.48

Second, a taxpayer must demonstrate that the phrase in question is actually more general than the others. Therefore, in interpreting Section 172(f), a District Court found that the doctrine did not apply to the three phrases, “tort liability, product liability, and other liability arising out of federal or state law” because “the statutory and tort liability classes contain an actual delay restriction not required for product liability expenses.”49

Third, a taxpayer must demonstrate a conceptually sound method to demonstrate an interrelationship within the “list.” In Tax Analysts v. Internal Revenue Service, the D.C. Circuit analyzed the breadth of the term “data” under section 6103(b)(2) by first noting that other, specific information was “of the same character, that is, unique to a particular taxpayer.”50 The Court then found that “data” cannot include legal analyses and conclusions in a Field Service Advice because a legal interpretation should apply to all similarly situated taxpayers.51

Noscitur A Sociis (“Known by Associates”)

The Latin phrase noscitur a sociis, “translated as ‘it is known by its associates’ … counsels lawyers reading statutes that a word may be known by the company it keeps.”52 Therefore, when words “are associated in a context suggesting that the words have something in common, they should be assigned a permissible meaning that makes them similar.”53 For example, in Jarecki v. G.D. Searle & Co., the Supreme Court used noscitur a sociis to interpret the term “discovery” in a provision that imposed tax on “[i]ncome resulting from exploration, discovery, or prospecting.”54 Although “discovery” is a broad term that in other contexts could include geographical and scientific discoveries, the term’s association with “exploration” and “prospecting” suggested a narrower statutory meaning of “discovery of mineral resources.”55

The canon of noscitur a sociis is less persuasive to courts where they feel that it is in essence used to elide multiple statutory terms into one. Therefore, where a taxpayer attempted to argue that “agency or instrumentality” meant branches of a government because the phrase appeared in the same clause as “political subdivision,” the Tax Court rejected the argument. The court found that noscitur a sociis is “properly applied to limit the scope of a potentially broad statutory term, not to render that term altogether superfluous.”56

Expressio Unius

The principle of expressio unius est exclusio alterius,57 stands for the proposition that “[w]here Congress explicitly enumerates certain exceptions … additional exceptions are not to be implied, in the absence of evidence of a contrary legislative intent.”58 Therefore, in examining possible exceptions to the definition of “gross receipts” in Section 41, the Tax Court used expressio unius to observe that “the sole statutory exclusion from that definition (‘returns and allowances’)” and then decline to exclude nonsales income.59

There are two notable qualifications. First, it does not apply to every statutory listing; it applies only when the statute identifies “a series of two or more terms or things that should be understood to go hand in hand,” thus raising the inference that a similar unlisted term was deliberately excluded.60 Second, in keeping with courts’ frequent statements about an aversion to rigid rules of statutory interpretation, courts will not apply this canon if the result “is contrary to all other textual and contextual evidence of congressional intent.”61

Surplusage

Under the surplusage canon of statutory interpretation, courts attempt to give effect to every provision Congress has enacted.62 This “cardinal principle” of statutory construction intends for courts avoid an interpretation of a clause or word that would make other provisions of the statute inconsistent, meaningless, or superfluous.63 Therefore, the First Circuit interpreted the phrase “active conduct” in section 936 so that the word “active” did not become surplusage when paired with the word “conduct.” Viewed in this light, the phrase meant “something more than simply a minimal level of involvement in the process of conducting a trade or business.”64

Any taxpayer who tries to use the surplusage canon in an issue regarding the TCJA should keep in mind several conditions that often accompany the canon. First, as with other aids to statutory interpretation, the canon “is not an absolute rule,” and “assists only where a competing interpretation gives effect to every clause and word of a statute.”65 Unless a taxpayer is able to provide a competing explanation, a court will not “rescue one sentence from surplusage” when that reading would frustrate other relevant provisions.66 Taxpayers, therefore, need to consider carefully the sometimes hazy interaction of different provisions of not only the TCJA but also the entire Internal Revenue Code.

Second (and related to the first), the canon against surplusage is more likely to be useful where it appears that two provisions are in conflict with another because this interpretative rule urges judges to read both provisions in harmony. Therefore, the Circuit Court reversed the Tax Court to hold that a literal interpretation of a closing agreement phrase “for all Federal income tax purposes” would render surplusage the provisions of the closing agreement that “lists the transaction’s tax implications in considerable detail.”67 Such conflicts may occur more frequently within the statutory provisions enacted by the TCJA.

Third, in the context of the surplusage canon, a few dissents have cautioned against over-reading the statute if the statute was enacted in haste. The reasoning relied on the courts’ desire and obligation to implement the underlying Congressional purpose:

“If the history of a statute’s enactment reveals that Congress indeed labored arduously over each choice of word and each comma, then it is likewise proper for us to analyze each word and comma with precision. But when the legislative history shows that a provision was injected into the bill at the tail end of the process, and that Congress made no apparent effort to remove every phrase the new amendment may have rendered superfluous, we only frustrate Congress’ goals by holding its word up to microscopic scrutiny.”68

For the TCJA, Congress had less than two months to “labor[] arduously over each choice of word and comma.” Although it is arguable that there is more latitude for deviating from the statutory language, we see no real current precedent. Instead, the courts might consider the invitation under the “absurdity doctrine,” which we describe below.69

EXTRINSIC SOURCES

“Extrinsic sources” are typically described as tools of statutory interpretation that draw on materials outside of the statute itself.70 Virtually all courts state that they consult such extrinsic aids only when the statute is unclear. However, a familiarity and a willingness to press extrinsic aids is crucial for multiple reasons. First, experience in the courtroom and with IRS administrative counsel has shown that even an apparently “unambiguous” statute loses that clarity after a serious inspection is brought to bear. As the U.S. Court of Claims observed regarding the elusiveness of such a plain meaning:

We further believe that the “normal understanding of the bare language” that is entitled to prevail does not necessarily exclude all possibility of an alternative reading that refined and subtle legal analysis might invent. Ambiguity in a statute, regulation, or contract, necessitating resort to legislative history and other extrinsic aids, normally means two or more alternative readings, all having some claim to respect and none leading to absurd results.71

Second, despite any generalized expressions that courts should look no further if the statute is unambiguous on its face, courts often at least consider extrinsic aids. In general, tax litigators understand that courts and other decision-makers have an understandable desire at least to consider various sources in order to determine if they are relevant:

As for the propriety of using legislative history at all, common sense suggests that inquiry benefits from reviewing additional information, rather than ignoring it. As Chief Justice Marshall put it, “[w]here the mind labours to discover the design of the legislature, it seizes everything from which aid can be derived.”72

Third, courts can be extremely flexible in consulting extrinsic aids, and this flexibility may well come to bear in questions regarding the TCJA. Typically, in a piece of significant tax legislation, the tax-writing committees in both the House and Senate would hold extended hearings. Each of those committees would typically prepare one or more reports explaining the bases for its recommendations and its understanding about a bill’s nature and effect. Only then would the legislation proceed to the Conference Committee, which would, in turn, create its own report.

For the TCJA, however, many of these resources are not available. There are no published committee hearings; the House and Senate both voted on legislation before any committee print; there is one committee report by the House-Senate Conference;73 and there is a Blue Book. Perhaps with so little to choose from, courts may be a bit more wide-ranging in their consultation of extrinsic aids outside of these resources.74 In this regard, it should be noted, that there are no formal restrictions on the extrinsic aids that a court can review and rely upon.75

With these atmospherics of the TCJA in mind, we consider how courts typically view various extrinsic sources.

The TCJA Conference Report

Generally speaking, the most favored extrinsic aid is a conference report. As the Tax Court noted in a recent opinion involving statutory construction: “The most enlightening source of legislative history is generally a committee report, particularly a conference committee report, which we have identified as among the most authoritative and reliable materials of legislative history.”76 Courts conclude that indications of congressional intent contained in a conference committee report deserve a high place among extrinsic aids used by courts because “the conference report represents the final statement of terms agreed to by both houses, [and] next to the statute itself it is the most persuasive evidence of congressional intent.”77 With that in mind, we review several considerations that seem likely to be pertinent in disputes over the interpretation of provisions in the TCJA.

First, it hardly needs mentioning that a court will not resort to a conference report unless the statutory language is ambiguous.78 Therefore, even where a conference report clearly supported the government’s position, the court nevertheless held for the taxpayer because the statutory language was unambiguous: “[Congress] easily could have inserted the same phrasing that was used in the conference report into the statutory text.”79 Therefore, if a taxpayer wishes to include a conference report among the items to be considered, it is crucial that the argument first establish that the wording of the statute is ambiguous.

Second, in order to induce a court to follow a conference report, a party typically must demonstrate that its proposed use of the conference report is consistent with the statute itself and does not contravene its terms. Therefore, for example, a court accepted a conference reports’ use of a similar phrase when the court found the conference report “buttresse[d]” its use of a dictionary meaning.80 Sometimes it is sufficient for a taxpayer to demonstrate that its use of the conference report is consistent with the “general purpose” and the “context of the statutory scheme as a whole” of the statute.81 By contrast, when the Tax Court believed neither party in its courtroom had established a link between the words of the statute and their readings of the conference report, the Tax Court rejected both litigants’ interpretation of the statute, embarked on an entirely new construction, and assured itself of its new interpretation in light of the fact that the conference report no longer contradicted the statutory language but instead made “perfect sense.”82

Third, courts are more likely to rely on a conference report when it expressly states the reason for the statutory provision or how that provision is to be interpreted.83 Courts similarly expect a taxpayer’s use of a conference report be consistent with any related parts of the statute84 or consistent with other parts of the conference report.85

The TCJA Bluebook

Another extrinsic aid available for statutory interpretation of the TCJA is the so-called Bluebook.86 Courts have a long and varied history with the Bluebook. In the 2013 case of Woods v. Commissioner, the Supreme Court resolved a split among the Circuits about the appropriate use of the Bluebook, and found that the status of a Bluebook was akin to a law review article rather than a conference report.87 Earlier approaches consistent with Woods are useful in delineating the boundaries of that case; they have found the Bluebook is “entitled to respect,” or “at least instructive.”88 In a tax world after Woods, a Bluebook is valuable where it is generally consistent with other legislative history. Where there is no corroboration of the Bluebook in the actual legislative history or the statute, courts are usually inclined to give it less weight in determining congressional intent.89

Taken together and read consistently with Woods, these authorities already contain a fair amount of flexibility regarding courts’ use of the Bluebook. With the TCJA, courts may use that flexibility with a somewhat more generous cast if the question involves an ambiguous statutory provision and there is little other guidance available. Certainly in any dispute that has not reached a litigation phase (i.e., the taxpayer is dealing with IRS administrative attorneys), it seems useful for a taxpayer to note that IRS penalty regulations provide that Bluebooks should be considered in assessing substantial authority.90

Statements/Testimony of Legislators

The sponsors of the TCJA have offered statements as to their views of the legislation. For example, after the statute’s enactment, Senators who were “responsible for drafting [the TCJA]” articulated reasons for key provisions in the TCJA in a letter to Treasury cited above.91

Generally, courts seem to view sponsors’ post-enactment statements as merely “a somewhat useful piece of legislative history.”92 Courts have expressed reluctance to rely too much on such statements for a number of reasons. A great many reported opinions involved the remark of a single sponsor.93 Courts have found that the connection can be fairly tenuous between a single individual and finally enacted legislation: “The remarks of a single legislator, even the sponsor, are not controlling in analyzing legislative history.”94 Therefore, to the extent that a taxpayer wishes to rely on such statements, the taxpayer should attempt to neutralize this concern by a demonstration of consistency among the sponsor statements.

In Estate of Egger v. Commissioner, the Tax Court rejected a sponsor’s statement for the additional reason that it was at odds with long-standing judicial interpretations of the relevant provision.95 Therefore, to the extent a taxpayer can demonstrate that the relevant sponsor statements are consistent with the structure and operation of other parts of TCJA (including any consistency with a committee report),96 a court may be more inclined to give weight to those statements.

Egger is also useful because there the Tax Court objected to the use of a sponsor’s statement that was out of alignment with “the congressional zeitgeist.”97 In Egger, the zeitgeist involved long-standing Congressional concerns regarding large concentrations of wealth in a few families. The Tax Court rejected the sponsor’s statements because they “fl[ew] in the face” of that zeitgeist.98 Therefore, it seems appropriate for a litigant seeking to use remarks by any sponsor(s) to determine any relevant zeitgeist of the TCJA and align the statements with it.

 Drafting Errors

As used in this article, cases about “drafting errors” involve a statute that is admittedly unambiguous, but the results seem out of step with common sense. Courts are not often moved by such an argument.

One example is the Supreme Court’s reaction to an apparent error in creating a filing deadline of “prior to” December 31. When a land user filed on December 31, thereby missing the deadline, it argued that the government itself had for a time applied the provision liberally and had interpreted it quite flexibly. The land user also pointed to the irrationally of requiring property holders to file by one day before the end of the year, rather than by the end of the year itself, which created “a trap for the unwary.” The Court rejected these arguments:

But the fact that Congress might have acted with greater clarity or foresight does not give courts a carte blanche to redraft statutes in an effort to achieve that which Congress is perceived to have failed to do. There is a basic difference between filling a gap left by Congress’ silence and rewriting rules that Congress has affirmatively and specifically enacted. Nor is the Judiciary licensed to attempt to soften the clear import of Congress’ chosen words whenever a court believes those words lead to a harsh result.99

Anomalies and Absurdities

Related to drafting errors is a category that we call “anomalies and abusurdities.” This category is intended to encompass situations in which fairly clear statutory language nevertheless leads to a result that can be variously described as either anomalous or absurd. As we shall see, the distinction is crucial.

Generally, if an anomalous result is required by unambiguous statutory language, courts have reasoned that “any anomaly is attributable to Congress and thus beyond our power to correct.”100 Courts generally adhere to this approach even where it seems to conflict with evidence introduced by a litigant that Congress might well have intended otherwise: Even where the legislative history “strongly hint[ed]” that an “anomalous” result was “not the purpose Congress had in mind,” a court will follow unambiguous statutory language.101

By contrast, courts will reinterpret an unambiguous statute “where a plain language interpretation of a statute would lead to an absurd outcome which Congress clearly could not have intended.”102 This willingness is based on the “well-established” proposition that courts have an “obligation to avoid adopting statutory constructions with absurd results.”103 The potential and limitations of this absurdity rule are suggested in a discussion by the Tenth Circuit:

However, the absurdity rule is a tool to be used to carry out Congress’ intent — not to override it. Indeed, subject to constitutional limitations, Congress is free to enact any number of foolish statutes. Therefore, it is only where we are convinced that Congress, not the court, could not have intended such a result will we apply the absurdity exception.104

It, therefore, becomes highly relevant, if a litigant seeks to use the absurdity rule, to distinguish convincingly between outcomes that are “absurd” and results that are merely “anomalous.” A description of the distinction was provided by Judge Wisdom in a decision by the Fifth Circuit to follow a statute to an anomalous result: The provision did not yield a result “so absurd as to shock the general moral or common sense.”105 Similarly, the Tax Court drew a line between the two camps: one in which a result was admittedly harsh and at odds with subsequent Congressional enactment, and the other in which the result was “so contrary to perceived social values that Congress could not have intended it.”106

The lesson of these cases is that although the TCJA may in some instances produce unexpected results, a taxpayer should assess whether that result passes the threshold from anomaly to absurdity. And regardless of how manifest such an absurdity might be, a taxpayer would be well-advised to rely other approaches as well to carry its point.

CONCLUSION

Arguing statutory interpretation for TCJA will likely be complex because of the ambitious scope of the statute, the large number of already identified problematic areas, and the absence of some of the traditional extrinsic aids to interpretation. The tools and techniques of statutory construction, however, will remain the same. Therefore, a careful study of the applicability, strengths and weakness of these tools and techniques can yield an effective strategy to pursue the matter.


1. The term “TCJA” is technically a misnomer. The statute’s title is “Act to provide for reconciliation pursuant to titles II and V of the concurrent resolution on the budget for fiscal year 2018.” See Pub.L. 115-97, 115th Congress (Dec. 22, 2017). For ease of readability, this article uses what appears to be the statute’s most common designation, TCJA.

2. All section references in this article are to the Internal Revenue Code of 1986 as amended through October 31, 2019, except where noted otherwise.

3. Chevron U.S.A., Inc. v. Natural Resources Defense Council, Inc., 467 U.S. 837 (1984).

4. The letters and reports of the Tax Section of the New York State Bar Association seem a good barometer of the level of practitioners’ concerns on the interpretative difficulties from the TCJA. A casual review of those materials for 2018 reveals a high level of concern. See, e.g., Report No. 1387 p.2 (Feb. 2, 2018) (new section 864(c)(8) is “ambiguous in many respects”; requests “immediate guidance”); Report No. 1388 (Feb. 6, 2018) p.8 & n.13, passim (section 965 “ambiguous, at best”; requests guidance in multiple areas); Report 1392, Transmittal Letter (Mar. 23, 2018) p. 2 (“uncertainty regarding Congressional intent” in section 199A, identifies “technical ambiguities within the statute”; requests “immediate guidance”); Report No. 1393, Transmittal Letter (Mar. 28, 2018) p.1 (request for guidance under section 163(j) to resolve “several technical and interpretive questions”); Report No. 1394, Transmittal Letter (May 4, 2018) (with respect to section 78, “particularly urgent” need to address “uncertainty” that impedes companies’ quarterly GAAP reporting; requests guidance); Report No. 1399 (Sep. 4, 2019) p.1 (requests for guidance in multiple areas arising from “fundamental question” under section 250 of “what should or should not be ‘foreign-derived’ ”); Report No. 1402, Transmittal Letter (Oct. 11, 2018) p.2 (uncertainty in treatment of previously taxed income because of “alternative possibilities of Congressional intent”; proposes various guidance); Report No. 1404 (Oct. 25, 2019) (section 245A “ambiguous” in certain areas; requests guidance).

5. Letter to Mnuchin and Kautter from Hatch (Aug. 16, 2018), available on U.S. Senate Committee on Finance Website.

6. See Joint Committee on Taxation, GENERAL EXPLANATION OF PUBLIC LAW 115-97 (JCS-1-18) (Dec. 2018). Such types of statements start at approximately page 37 (note 118) and continue throughout the publication.

7. Section 7805(b)(2) explicitly holds that any regulation promulgated within 18 months of a statute’s enactment has retroactive application to the date of enactment.

8. The Limited, Inc. v. Commissioner, 113 T.C. 169, 185-86 (1999).

9. The Limited, Inc. v. Commissioner, 113 T.C. at 186.

10. The Limited, Inc. v. Commissioner, 286 F.3d 324 (6th Cir. 2002).

11. Xilinx v. Comissioner, 598 F.3d 1191 (9th Cir. 2010).

12. Bornstein v. Commissioner, 919 F.3d 746, 752 (2d Cir. 2019) (reversing Tax Court’s finding of “unambiguous” language; instead, court “must (as usual) interpret the relevant words not in a vacuum, but with reference to the statutory context, structure, history, and purpose”) (internal quotation marks omitted); BNSF Railway Co. v. United States, 775 F.3d 743, 752 (5th Cir. 2015) (reversing District Court’s determination that “money remuneration” had an “ordinary, common-sense definition”; instead, court must look to interpretative aids); BMC Software v. Commissioner, 780 F.3d 669, 676 (5th Cir. 2015) (reversing Tax Court misreading “plain language” of statute); The Limited, 386 F.3d at 335 (reversing Tax Court for “race[ ] to the legislative history” and “fail[ure] to interpret the plain language”).

13. Gregory v. Commissioner, 149 T.C. 43, 48-49 (2017).

14. Lamie v. United States Trustee, 540 U.S. 526, 534 (2004).

15. Exxon Mobil Corp. v. Allapattah Services, Inc., 454 U.S. 546, 568 (2005); Norfolk Dredging Co. v. United States, 375 F.3d 1106, 1110 (Fed. Cir. 2004) (citing Williams v. Taylor, 529 U.S. 420, 431 (2000)).

16. Caminetti v. United States, 242 U.S. 470, 485 (1917); see also Chevron U.S.A. Inc. v. Natural Res. Def. Council, Inc., 467 U.S. 837, 842-43 (1984) (“If the intent of Congress is clear, that is the end of the matter; for the court, as well as the agency, must give effect to the unambiguously expressed intent of Congress.”).

17. Texas State Commission for the Blind v. United States, 796 F.2d 400, 406 (Fed. Cir. 1986) (en banc).

18. King v. Burwell, 135 S. Ct. 2480, 2489 (2015) (internal quotation marks omitted).

19. Utility Air Regulatory Group, 573 U. S. 302, 320 (2014) (internal quotation marks omitted). An example of this reversal of fortune is New York and Presbyterian Hospital v. United States, 881 F.3d 877 (Fed. Cir. 2018). The Federal Circuit reversed the Court of Federal Claims’ plain meaning reading of “indemnify” with the Circuit’s own plain meaning, finding that other Internal Revenue Code provisions “inform [the Court’s] interpretation of” the plain meaning. Id. at 886.

20. Chickasaw Nations v. United States, 534 U.S. 84, 94 (2001); Circuit City Stores, Inc. v. Adams, 532 U.S. 105, 115 (2001) (“Canons of construction need not be conclusive.”); AD Global Fund v. United States, 67 Fed. Cl. 657, 671 (2005) (“These canons are not binding, mandatory rules; instead, they serve as guides that ‘need not be conclusive.”), aff’d, 481 F.3d 1351 (Fed. Cir. 2007).

21. See Hemenway v. Peabody Coal, 159 F.3d 255, 264 (7th Cir. 1998) (“Thus we arrive at the battle of maxims — and what an unedifying spectacle it is when each side lobs volleys with its own legal canons.”).

22. See Porter v. Commissioner, 288 U.S. 436, 442 (1933) (“the familiar rule that tax laws are to be construed liberally in favor of taxpayers”); Weingarden v. Commissioner, 825 F.2d 1027, 1029 (6th Cir.1987) (“The general canon of construction is that statutes imposing a tax are interpreted liberally (in favor of the taxpayer).”); Holmes Limestone Co. v. United States, 946 F. Supp. 1310, 1319 (N.D. Ohio 1996), aff’d No. 97-3075, 1998 WL 773890 (6th Cir. Oct. 15, 1998) . CfIrwin v. Gavit, 268 U.S. 161, 168 (1925) (maxim of liberal construction “is not a reason for creating a doubt or for exaggerating one”).

23. INDOPCO Inc. v. Commissioner, 503 U.S. 79, 84 (1992) (internal quotations omitted).

24. White v. United States, 305 U.S. 281, 292 (1938) (“We are not impressed by the argument that, as the question here decided is doubtful, all doubts should be resolved in favor of the taxpayer.”); Internal Revenue Service v. Worldcom, 723 F.3d 346, 363 (2d Cir. 2013) (“validity has been called into question”).

25. See, e.g., Exxon Mobil Corp. v. Commissioner, 689 F.3d 191, 199 (2d Cir. 2012) (“where the words [of a tax statute] are doubtful, the doubt must be resolved against the government and in favor of the taxpayer”) (internal quotation marks omitted); The Limited, 286 F.3d at 332 Duke Energy Natural Gas Corp. v. Commissioner, 172 F.3d 1255, 1260 n.7 (10th Cir. 1999) (“if doubt exists as to the construction of a taxing statute, the doubt should be resolved in favor of the taxpayer”) (quotations and citation omitted), nonacq., 1999-2 C.B. xvi (IRS Acq. 1999). We have found one instance in which the predecessor to the Tax Court, the Board of Tax Appeals, cited this canon. Guggenheim v. Commissioner, 24 B.T.A. 1181 (1931), rev’d sub nom. Guggenheim v. Commissioner, 58 F.2d 188 (2d Cir. 1932), rev’d sub nom. Burnet v. Guggenheim, 288 U.S. 280, 285 (1933) (“A statute will be construed in such a way as to avoid unnecessary hardship when its meaning is uncertain.”). See Santa Fe Pacific Gold Company v. Commissioner, 130 T.C. 299, 310 (2008) (“Petitioner next argues that ambiguous statutes must be resolved against the drafter, in this case the Government. However, this canon of statutory construction applies only where statutes are ambiguous.”).

26. Although many or most courts consider this type of presumption a statute-based presumption and employ it before legislative history, the Court of Federal Claims has reversed this order. AD Global Fund, 67 Fed. Cl. at 652 (2005) (“Although the court recognizes that other courts have employed presumptions as part of the plain-meaning analysis, the court deems that it is appropriate to use such a presumption after consulting the legislative history.”).

27. The Limited, 286 F.3d at 335; id. at 332 (presumption used in “[s]etting the tone for our statutory analysis”).

28. Sebelius v. Cloer , 569 U.S. 369, 376 (2013) (“unless otherwise defined, statutory terms are generally interpreted in accordance with their ordinary meaning”) (internal quotation marks omitted); Perrin v. United States, 444 U.S. 37, 42 (1979) (“we look to the ordinary meaning of the term ‘bribery’ at the time Congress enacted the statute in 1961”).

29. See, e.g., Rousey v. Jacoway, 544 U.S. 320, 326 (2005) (“common understanding” of terms determined by dictionary definition); Metro One Telecommunications, Inc. v. Commissioner, 704 F.3d 1057, 1061 (9th Cir. 2012) (“To ascertain the plain meaning of terms, we may consult the definitions of those terms in popular dictionaries.”); Dobra v. Commissioner, 111 T.C. 339, 346 (1998) (definition of “home” based on its ordinary meaning in dictionary).

30. Pittston Coal Group v. Sebben, 488 U.S. 105, 113, 115 n.2 (1988) (using dictionary definitions).

31. St. Francis College v. Al-Khazraji, 481 U.S. 604, 610-11 (1987); New York and Presbyterian Hospital v. United States, 881 F.3d 877, 883 (Fed. Cir. 2018) (“contemporaneous dictionaries support … the plain meaning”); Union Pacific Railroad Company v. United States, 865 F.3d 1045, 1049 (8th Cir. 2017), cert. denied sub nom., United States v. Union Pacific Railroad Co., 138 S. Ct. 2709 (2018).

32. BNSF Railway Co. v. United States, 775 F.3d 743, 752 (5th Cir. 2015) (en banc).

33. Suesz v. Med-1 Sols, 757 F.3d 636, 643 (7th Cir. 2014) (en banc) (“Dictionaries can be useful in interpreting statutes, but judges and lawyers must take care not to ‘overread’ what dictionaries tell us.”) (citation omitted); United States v. Costello, 666 F.3d 1040, 1044 (7th Cir. 2012) (“Dictionary definitions are acontextual, whereas the meaning of sentences depends critically on context.”).

34. Armstrong v. Commissioner, 139 T.C. 468, 508 n.11 (2012) (Webster’s Third “widely regarded as a ‘descriptive’ dictionary” and American Heritage is “prescriptive” [i.e., “emphasizing the ‘proper’ use of words”); noting debate whether description approach is more appropriate dictionary approach]), aff’d, 745 F.3d 890 (8th Cir. 2014).

35. Although statutory interpretation has changed in some important respects over the decades, a good use of the dictionary rule was provided by Judge Hand: “[I]t is one of the surest indexes of a mature and developed jurisprudence not to make a fortress out of the dictionary; but to remember that statutes always have some purpose or object to accomplish, whose sympathetic and imaginative discovery is the surest guide to their meaning.” Cabell v. Markham, 148 F.2d 737, 739 (2d Cir. 1945), aff’d, 326 U.S. 404 (1945).

36. Bulova Watch Co. v. United States, 365 U.S. 753, 758 (1961).

37. United States v. Chase, 135 U.S. 255, 260 (1890). Examples of the Tax Court’s application of Chase can be found in cases citing Essenfeld v. Commissioner, 37 T.C. 117, 122 (1961) (“a specific statutory enactment takes precedence over one more general even if the latter might otherwise appear to govern”; relying on Chase), aff’d, 311 F.2d 208 (2d Cir. 1962).

38. RadLAX Gateway Hotel, LLC v. Amalgamated Bank, 566 U.S. 639, 645 (2012). See Graev v. Commissioner, 149 T.C. 485, 522 (2017) (using RadLAX formulation to analyze this canon).

39. RadLAX Gateway Hotel, 566 U.S. at 645 (quoting Varity Corp. v. Howe, 516 U.S. 489, 519 (1996) (Thomas, J., dissenting)). The conflict can also arise, of course, between a general prohibition and a more limited, specific prohibition.

40. Id. at 645-46 (applying Ginsberg & Sons, Inc. v. Popkin, 285 U.S. 204, 208 (1932)).

41. Mitchell v. Commissioner, 775 F.3d 1243 (10th Cir. 2015) (taxpayer “asks us to read [Provision One] as an exception to [Provision Two]”; but even assuming “general applicability” of Provision One, court was required “to prevent the requirement [in Provision Two] from becoming meaningless”).

42. See Estate of Flanigan v. Commissioner, 743 F.2d 1526, 1532-33 [54 AFTR2d 84-6518] (11th Cir. 1984).

43. Grossman v. United States, 57 Ct. Cl. 319 (2003) (“By conveniently skipping to the second step [i.e., the canon] before applying the first [i.e., the conflict], plaintiffs essentially transform this canon from a scalpel into a meat axe, giving it considerably more sway than is appropriate.”).

44. E.g., Pappas v. Commissioner, 78 T.C. 1078, 1086 (1982) (“Section 1031 is a nonrecognition provision. It provides that gain or loss realized on certain exchanges will not be recognized. Section 741 is a characterization provision. It provides that a partnership interest is to be treated as a capital asset …”).

45. Brogan v. United States, 522 U.S. 398, 403 n.2 (1998) (internal citations omitted).

46. Section 165(c)(3). The provision was previously in Section 23(e)(3) of the Internal Revenue Code of 1939, and prior to that section 214(a)(6) of the Revenue Act of 1918. Two of the earliest uses of ejusdem generis for this provision are Shearer v. Anderson, 16 F.2d 995, 996 (2d Cir. 1927) (damage from wreck of automobile overturning on icy road is one from other casualty, analogous to shipwreck) and Hughes v. Commissioner, 1 B.T.A. 944, 946 (1925) (seizure of liquors by revenue agents is “not such casualty as is contemplated”).

47. Appleman v. United States, 338 F.2d 729, 730 (7th Circ. 1964).

48. Id. (collecting cases).

49. Gregory v. Commissioner, 149 T.C. at 53.

50. Host Marriott Corp. v. United States, 113 F.Supp2d 790, 794 (D.C. Md. 2000), aff’d, 267 F.3d 363 (4th Cir. 2001). We find the case interesting because, demonstrating the nuances at work for both sides, the Tax Court and Ninth Circuit reached the opposite conclusion. Sealy v. Commissioner, 107 T.C. 177, 184 (1996), aff’d, 171 F.3d 655 (9th Cir. 1999).

51. 117 F.3d 607, 614 (D.C. Cir. 1997).

52. Id. (legal interpretation from IRS “should apply to all other taxpayers … similarly situated”).

53. Graham County Soil & Water Conservation Dist. v. United States, 559 U.S. 280, 287 (2010) (citations and internal quotation marks omitted).

54. Our Country Home Enterprises, Inc. v. Commissioner, 855 F.3d 773, 786 (7th Cir. 2017) (quoting Antonin Scalia & Bryan Garner, READING LAW: THE INTERPRETATION OF LEGAL TEXTS 195 (2012)).

55. 367 U.S. 303, 307 (1961).

56. Id. at 307-08.

57. Guardian Industries Corp. v. Commissioner, 143 T.C. 1, 15 (2014).

58. The expression translates literally as “the expression of one is the exclusion of another.”

59. United States v. Smith, 499 U.S. 160, 167 (1991) (quoting Andrus v. Glover Construction Co., 446 U.S. 608, 616-617 (1980)); see also Catterall v. Commissioner, 68 T.C. 413, 421 (1977) (“if a statute specifies certain exceptions to a general rule, an intention to exclude any further exceptions may be inferred”), aff’d sub nom. Vorbleski v. Commissioner, 589 F.2d 123 (3d Cir. 1978).

60. Hewlett Packard v. Commissioner, 139 T.C. 255, 269 (2012), aff’d, 875 F.3d 494 (9th Cir. 2017).

61. Chevron U.S.A., Inc. v. Echazabal, 536 U.S. 73, 81 (2002); United States v. City of New York, 359 F.3d 83, 98 (2d Cir. 2004); Anderson v. Commissioner, 123 T.C. 219, ___ (2004), aff’d, 137 F. App’x 373 (1st Cir. 2005).

62. Rand v. Commissioner, 141 T.C. 376, 387-88 (2013) (citing Burns v. United States, 501 U.S. 129, 136 (1991) and Neuberger v. Commissioner, 311 U.S. 83, 88 (1940)).

63. United States v. Menasche, 348 U.S. 528, 538-539 (1955) (“The cardinal principle of statutory construction is to save and not to destroy.”) (quoting National Labor Board v. Jones & Laughlin Steel Corp., 301 U.S. 1, 30 (1937)). Rand v. Commissioner, 141 TC 376, 390 (2013). The principle has been articulated as early as Marbury v. Madison. 5 U.S. (1 Cranch) 137, 174 (1803) (“It cannot be presumed that any clause in the constitution is intended to be without effect; and therefore such a construction is inadmissible, unless the words require it.”).

64. See Duncan v. Walker, 533 U.S. 167, 174.

65. Medchem v. Commissioner, 295 F.3d 118, 126 (1st Cir. 2002).

66. Marx v. General Revenue Corp., 568 U.S. 371, 385 (2013) (emphasis added) (internal quotation marks and citations omitted).

67. Ford v. United States, 768 F.3d 580, 592 (7th Cir. 2014) (citing Lamie v. United States Trustee, 540 U.S. at 536 (“preference for avoiding surplusage constructions is not absolute” and should be abandoned where it would lead to inconsistency within statute)).

68. See BMC Software v. Commissioner, 780 F.3d 669, 676 (5th Cir. 2015) (“If the parties agreed, in the boilerplate provision, to treat the accounts receivable as retroactive indebtedness for all Federal tax purposes, then these additional provisions would be surplusage.” (emphasis in original)).

69. Church of Scientology of Calif. v. Internal Revenue Service, 792 F.2d 153, 172 (DC Cir. 1986) (Wald, J., dissenting), aff’d., 484 U.S. 9 (1987). The implications of adopting such a doctrine are touched upon in a holding by the Second Circuit that parts of section 337(c)(2) were “useless surplusage.” J. C. Penny v. Commissioner, 312 F.2d 65, 72 (2d Cir. 1962).

70. See infra at [TAN 100].

71. Khan v. United States, 548 F.3d 549, 556 (7th Cir. 2008) (discussing use of “extrinsic sources such as legislative history”). The Supreme Court recently referred to this material as “extra-textual evidence.” NLRB v. SW General, Inc., 137 S.Ct. 929, 942 (2017). We recognize that some courts use the phrase to encompass legal maxims and the like, rather than evidence arising outside of the statute. Commissioner v. Miller, 914 F.2d 586 (4th Cir. 1990) (extrinsic aid of “well-recognized, even venerable principle” of narrow construction of exclusions to income). We use the phrase to mean sources of additional evidence outside the statute.

72. Hart v. United States, 585 F.2d 1025, 1028 (Ct. Cl. 1978); Cherokee Nation of Oklahoma v. United States, 73 Fed. Cl. 467, 476 (2006).

73. Wisconsin Public Intervenor v. Mortier, 501 U.S. 597, 612 n.41 (1991) (citing Marshall, J. in United States v. Fisher, 6 U.S. (2 Cranch) 358, 386 (1805).

74. Tax Cut and Jobs Act, Conference Report to Accompany H.R. 1, Report 115-446, 115th Congress, 1st Session (Dec. 15, 2017).

75. For example, the courts have variously used reports from the Congressional Budget Office and from the Taxpayer Advocate. See, e.g., Yari v. Commisioner, 143 T.C. 157, 166 (2014) (using Taxpayer Advocate material), aff’d, 669 F. App’x 489 (9th Cir. 2016); National Australian Bank v. United States, 55 Fed. Cl. 782, 785 (2003) (citing “tax experts” from, inter alia, Congressional Budget Office and Comptroller General regarding their interpretation of the statute in projecting revenue), aff’d, 452 F.3d 1321 (Fed. Cir. 2006).

76. AD Global Fund, LLC v. United States, 67 Fed. Cl. at 678-91 (analyzing and weighing history before, during, and after legislative debate; proposal from President; reports of American Bar Association and American Law Institute; and text and history of predecessor statutes).

77. Williams v. Commissioner, 151 T.C. No. 1, at *5 (2018) (internal quotation marks omitted); see Chandler v. Roudebush, 425 U.S. 840, 858 (1976) (“most helpful” indicator of congressional intent is conference report). It seems that then-judge Kavanaugh expressed a contrary view in his book review of Judge Katzmann’s Judging Statutes. See Kavanaugh, Fixing Statutory Interpretation, 129 HARVARD L.REV. 2118, 2124 (“committee reports are not necessarily reliable guides” in interpreting statutes).

78. RJR Nabisco v. United States, 955 F.2d 1457, 1462 (11th Cir. 1992) (insertion in original); Demby v. Schweiker, 671 F.2d 507, 510 (D.C. Cir. 1981) (“next to the statute itself [Conference Report] is the most persuasive evidence of congressional intent”).

79. United States v. Daas, 198 F.3d 1167, 1174 (9th Cir. 1999) (“If the statute is ambiguous — and only then — courts may look to its legislative history for evidence of congressional intent.”); see Caltex Oil Venture v. Commissioner, 138 T.C. 18, 34 (2012) (“It is well settled that where a statute is ambiguous, we may look to legislative history to ascertain its meaning” (citing Burlington N.R.R. v. Okla. Tax Comm’n, 481 U.S. 454, 461 (1987)).

80. Highmark, Inc. v. United States, 78 Fed. Cl. 146, 149 (2007).

81. Bell Atlantic Corp. v. United States, 224 F.3d 220, 224 (3d Cir. 2000).

82. Yarish v. Commissioner, 139 T.C. 290, 296 (2012).

83. Garber Industries Holding Co., Inc. v. Commissioner, 124 T.C. 1, 14 (2005), aff’d, 435 F.3d 555 (5th Cir. 2006). In re Burns, 887 F.2d 1541, 1548 n.7 (11th Cir. 1541) (“even a conference report cannot overrule the clear direction of the statute itself”), (citing Aloha Airlines v. Director of Taxation, 464 U.S. 7, 12 (1983)).

84. Fort Howard Co. v. Commissioner, 103 T.C. 345, 353 (1994) (conference report stated congressional intent that provision “be construed broadly”). See Ordlock v. Commissioner, 126 T.C. 47, 55 (2006) (relying on House Report because it was “pertinent” to provision’s “original intent”).

85. Estate of Smith, Sr. v. United States, 103 Fed. Cl. 533, 557 (Fed. Cl. 2012).

86. Sunoco, Inc. v. United States, 908 F.3d 710, 718 (Fed. Cir. 2018) (“other relevant portions of the Conference Report belie Sunoco’s position”), cert. denied, No. 18-1474 (U.S. Oct. 7, 2019).

87. Generally, at the end of each Congress, the Joint Committee Staff, in consultation with the staffs of the House Committee on Ways and Means and the Senate Committee on Finance, prepare explanations of the enacted tax legislation. https://www.jct.gov/publications.html?func=select&id=9

88. See United States v. Woods, 571 U.S. 31, 48 (2013) (“the Blue Book, like a law review article, may be relevant to the extent it is persuasive”).

89. Todd v. Commissioner, 862 F2.d 540, 542 (5th Cir. 1988) (“compelling contemporary indication of the intended effect of the statute”); Redlark v. Commissioner, 106 T.C. 31, 45 (1996) (“entitled to respect”; if no corroboration in “actual legislative history,” court “shall not hesitate to disregard [it]”), rev’d, 141 F.3d 936 (9th Cir. 1998) (Bluebook “at least instructive as to the reasonableness of an agency’s interpretation of a facially ambiguous statute”). But see Federal Nat’l Mortgage Ass’n v. United States, 379 F.3d 1303, 1309 (Fed. Cir. 2004) (“As a post-enactment explanation, the Blue Book interpretation is entitled to little weight”; court’s conclusion consistent with Bluebook); Lenz v. Commissioner, 101 T.C. 260, 267 (1993) (Bluebook “is not authoritative where, as in the instant case, it has no support in the statute itself”).

90. See Exxon Mobil Corp. v. Commissioner, 689 F.2d 191, 201 (2d Cir. 2012) (collecting precedent); Zinniel v. Commissioner, 89 T.C. 357, 367 (1987) (Bluebook “does not directly represent the views of the legislators or an explanation available to them when acting on the bill”) (internal quotation marks and citations omitted).

91. Treas. Reg. section 1.6662-4(d)(2)(iii) (“Blue Book” listed “authority for purposes of determining whether there is substantial authority”).

92. See supra, note 4.

93. In re Burns, 887 F.2d 1541, 1549 (11th Cir. 1989).

94. Ibid. (collecting cases).

95. Chrysler Corp. v. Brown, 441 U.S. 281, 311 (1979).

96. Estate of Egger v. Commissioner, 89 T.C. 726, 734 (1987) (sponsor remarks rejected in light of “long established judicial interpretation” and absence of “some discussion of the point in the Committee Reports”).

97. Id. at 734-35.

98. Id. at 734.

99. United States v. Locke, 471 U.S. 84, 95 (1985) (internal quotation marks and citations omitted).

100. Hotze v. Burwell, 784 F.3d 984, 998 (5th Cir. 2015) (internal quotation marks omitted), cert. denied, 136 S.Ct. 1165 (2016).

101. Billings v. Commissioner, 127 T.C. 7, ___. Notably, the Ninth and Eight Circuits followed the same statutory language. Commissioner v. Ewing, 439 F.3d 1009, 1014 (9th Cir. 2006) (reversing a holding that “simply has written the language out of the statute”); Bartman v. Commissioner, 446 F.3d 785, 787 (8th Cir. 2006) (agreeing with Ninth Circuit in Ewing). Although Congress subsequently amended the relevant statute, we believe that these cases are nevertheless instructional in courts’ attitudes towards the type of “anomalous” results we envision in this article.

102. In re McGough, 737 F.3d 1268, 1276 (10th Cir.2013).

103. Public Citizen v. Department of Justice, 491 U.S. 440, 454-455 (1990).

104. In re McGough, 737 F.3d 1268, 1276 (10th Cir. 2013) (internal quotations and citations omitted).

105. King Ranch, Inc. v. United States, 946 F.3d 35 (5th Cir. 1991) (Wisdom, J.) (internal quotations omitted)

106. Yari v. Commissioner, 143 T.C. at 169 n.10. Even where the legislative history convinces a court that the statute is at odds with apparent legislative intent, the Tax Court will still uphold the statute as written, unless it produces an “absurd result.” Gregory v. Commissioner, 149 T.C. 43 (2017) (Lauber, J., concurring).


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Executive Immunity and Impeachment: Any Precedent for President Trump’s Strategy?

With the fourth presidential impeachment hearings in our country’s history underway; the National Law Review thought it timely to look at some of the issues related to impeachment; specifically involving executive privilege and how the Trump administration’s invocation of executive privilege and how presidential immunity fits in historically with other impeachments in recent memory.

Sol Wisenberg, a Deputy Independent Counsel from the Starr Investigation, is a white-collar attorney who was written and spoken about the procedures surrounding impeachment and the constitutional law issues in play. He was generous with his time and spoke with the Lead Writer of the National Law Review, Eilene Spear, on executive privilege, recent litigation related to executive privilege, and the ever-present intersection of public opinion, constitutional law, and politics.  Below are excerpts of the conversation, featuring Mr. Wisenberg’s analysis and opinion on the proceedings at hand. This is the second article in this series, the first focusing on comparing and contrasting the Clinton impeachment with the impeachment investigation into President Trump.

ES:  Is it appropriate for Democrats to imply that if a witness in the impeachment investigation refuses to testify that they are trying to undermine the impeachment proceedings?

I mean, look, it’s their show, they are the majority in the House. Adam Schiff came out and said “if you do not appear, then we’ll infer that your testimony would have been favorable to our impeachment inquiry.” Those weren’t his exact words, but that was the essence. Is it appropriate? I would say that it depends on the circumstances. Charles M. Kupperman, President Trump’s former deputy national security adviser, was subpoenaed by House Democrats to testify, but the White House, prior to Mr. Kupperman’s House testimony, said that the President had invoked Presidential Immunity, leaving Mr. Kupperman uncertain about how to proceed.  Kupperman went to the federal district court and basically said: ‘Hey, I’ve got Congress issuing a subpoena and telling me I’m going to be in contempt if I don’t answer. But I also went to the White House Counsel and he’s sent me this letter here saying I’m absolutely forbidden to appear. I want to follow the law. Tell me what to do court.’ I believe he did exactly what you’re supposed to do in that situation. Kupperman’s lawsuit also raised questions about John Bolton’s possible future testimony, as Kupperman’s lawyer, Charles Cooper, also represents Bolton, President Trump’s former national security advisor.  According to CNN, while it remains to be seen if Kupperman or Bolton will ultimately end up testifying, their actions are widely viewed as intertwined, with one source telling CNN that the two men are “simpatico.”

As a purely legal proposition, Adam Schiff’s assertion about inferences to be drawn from refusing to testify or show up is preposterous in Kupperman’s case. The only time a trier of fact is allowed to make a negative inference from the invocation of a privilege is the Fifth Amendment privilege against self-incrimination, and even that is only in a civil proceeding. The Fifth Amendment gives a criminal defendant the right not to testify, and the judge and jurors are not permitted to take this refusal to testify into consideration when deciding whether he or she is guilty See Ohio v. Reiner 532 US 17 (2001).   The people who aren’t testifying or showing up at the House are not, so far, taking the Fifth. These are people saying, “I’ve got a constitutional argument or the President does, and that’s why I shouldn’t appear.” But keep in mind that impeachment is a political remedy. If a majority of the House wants to construe a refusal to appear or testify, even on Constitutional grounds, against the President, they are going to do it.

A Bit of Background:

Executive privilege has been asserted frequently by past presidents, though it’s not explicitly written into the Constitution.  George Mason University professor Mark Rozell explained in a 1999 law review article that executive privilege is “the right of the president and high-level executive branch officers to withhold information from Congress, the courts, and ultimately the public.” This power can be used in two circumstances, he continues: “(1) certain national security needs and (2) protecting the privacy of White House deliberations when it is in the public interest to do so.” It’s the second part that is especially valuable, as it allows presidential advisors to freely speak their minds without the threat of a subpoena. The problem is it’s not precisely clear who this privilege covers.

In United States v. Nixon, 418 U.S. 683 (1974), the Supreme Court addressed a subpoena duces tecum during the Nixon impeachment process to produce documents, including full copies of the Watergate tapes which contained meetings between President Nixon and others indicted in Watergate situation or had ties to the Nixon administration.  President Nixon did turn over edited transcripts of some of the conversations included in the subpoena. Before the Supreme Court, Nixon claimed he had an absolute executive privilege to protect communications between “high government officials and those who advise and assist them in carrying out their duties.” The Supreme Court held presidential privilege as to materials subpoenaed for use in a criminal trial did not override the needs of the judicial process on the grounds of a generalized interest in confidentiality.  The large difference is that the Nixon case involved the subpoena of documents, the Trump impeachment subpoenas addressed above involve subpoenas for live testimony only.

Also, in U.S. v. Nixon’s majority opinion, Chief Justice Burger stated, “[n]either the doctrine of separation of powers, nor the need for confidentiality of high-level communications, without more, can sustain an absolute, unqualified presidential privilege of immunity from judicial process under all circumstances.” The immunity claimed by both President Trump and other presidents comes from the position of the executive branch as a co-equal branch alongside the judiciary and legislative branches.

ES:  What do Executive Privilege and Absolute Presidential Immunity cover and do they  apply to people other than the president?

Executive privilege is invoked in the name of the president, but it can cover any executive officer. It is a privilege recognized by the Supreme Court. Presidential immunity purports to cover anyone who works in the White House, or the Executive Office of the president. The theory is that Congress can no more summon a White House employee to appear than it could summon the president.  One reason officials like Kupperman are seeking clarification is that executive privilege and presidential immunity in impeachment proceedings are not open and shut issues. Every president at least since Nixon has claimed immunity–for himself and his key White House aides–from even having to show up in the House or Senate to answer questions, claiming that White House employees are in the same position as the president and are immune from having to appear. This doctrine makes me shake my head a little, and, as noted, is far from settled law in the courts.

No court has ever accepted the absolute immunity argument, to my knowledge. Only one court has ruled directly on it, and that was in the George W. Bush administration. Committee on Judiciary v. Miers 575 F. Supp. 2d 201 (D.D.C. 2008) addressed a House Judiciary Committee’s subpoena to Harriet Miers, former Counsel to President Bush, seeking to compel her to produce documents and to appear and testify about the forced resignation of  U.S Attorneys, and that court ruled against the White House. In the Harriet Miers case, federal district judge John Bates stated “there is no judicial support whatsoever” that a president’s advisers have absolute immunity from testimony, and that such a view “would eviscerate Congress’ historical oversight function.” But the case was settled and has no precedential value, except in Bates’ court. I think the opinion is of some significance, however, because Bates was a Bush appointee and in general a strong supporter of executive privilege.

ES:  Is there any type of immunity from testimony that may apply if executive privilege isn’t applicable? 

There are other forms of privilege that might come up.  I suppose somebody could take the Fifth, you can take the Fifth right in front of the House committee. So that’s always available. There’s attorney-client privilege. To be precise; this idea that if you work at the White House–and are therefore in the same shoes as the president–you don’t even have to show up, that’s technically not executive privilege. That is a presidential immunity argument based upon the separation of powers.  For example, you could put that to a judge and the judge could throw it out, say there is no such thing, and the court rejects that doctrine. Then the individual could go over to Congress and get asked a question, and he could claim executive privilege and he would be completely within his rights.

The Obama administration took the identical position with David Simas, an employee in the Obama White House, that President Trump did in the case of Kupperman and former White House Counsel Don McGahn.  Simas was head of the Office of Political Strategy and Outreach and was subpoenaed in relation to Congressional oversight of Hatch Act compliance. White House Counsel W. Neil Eggleston asserted executive immunity, defying a subpoena from House Oversight and Government Reform Chairman Darrell Issa.  His letter referenced the Office of Legal Counsel’s opinion, saying: “The Executive Branch’s longstanding position, reaffirmed by numerous Administrations of both political parties, is that the President’s immediate advisers are absolutely immune from the congressional testimonial process.” There are examples in every administration, and each party wants to find examples where the other party did the same or a more extreme version of what they are trying to do because people forget and people are partisan.

ES:  That said, how do politics impact the perception of a President’s claim of executive privilege?

Once again, it depends on the circumstances. In the context of an impeachment inquiry with an unpopular President and an opposing party in charge of one or both branches, politics can affect absolutist doctrines fairly quickly. Look at Nixon again.  In April 1973, before the Senate Watergate Committee hearings began, he vowed that his aides would not testify. Nixon’s Attorney General, Dick Kleindienst, told Senator Ed Muskie,  “You do not have the power to compel me to come up here if the President directs me not to, and even if you would attempt to compel me, I would not come here.” If the Senate didn’t like it, Kleindienst smirked to Senator Sam Ervin, “you have a remedy, all kinds of remedies: cut off appropriations, impeach the President.” That was in April. By May 22, with public opinion starting to move against him, Nixon completely capitulated. Ervin called Nixon’s bluff, referring to his broad claims of Executive privilege as“executive poppycock.” Nixon didn’t have Trump’s political power. He had short coattails and both houses of Congress were in Democratic hands. Trump is stronger with his House and Senatorial base, and his party in control of the Senate, so he can pull off that attitude for now. But again, attitudes and public opinion can change quickly, and we’ve already seen the needle move a little bit in terms of public opinion in the last week alone.

You also have the issue of aides, former aides, and Executive Branch officials who simply ignore Presidential directives not to appear or testify. This happened to Nixon, as people like John Dean and Jeb Magruder finally started telling the truth to DOJ Prosecutor Earl Silbert, and ultimately to Ervin’s Watergate Committee. It is happening to Trump now with some State Department and DOD officials–and at least one mid-level OMB employee–talking to the House. I believe this is how Madison and some of the other Framers expected things to play out. It is checks and balances at work. It is one thing to have a nice little formalistic theory of executive privilege or presidential immunity. It is quite another to try to enforce it in the real rough-and-tumble world of politics.

Many thanks again to Mr. Wisenberg for his time, insights and perspective.


Copyright ©2019 National Law Forum, LLC

Clinton’s Impeachment Compared to the Trump Proceedings: Conversation with Sol Wisenberg, former Deputy Independent Counsel during the Starr Investigation

With the Trump impeachment proceedings getting ready to start this week in the House of Representatives, we thought it would be interesting to take a look back at the Clinton Impeachment.  The catalyst for President Clinton’s impeachment was the Starr Report.  Independent Counsel Ken Starr presented to the House of Representatives a case for impeaching President Bill Clinton on 11 grounds, including perjury, obstruction of justice, witness-tampering and abuse of power.  The sexual relationship between the president and former White House intern Monica Lewinsky formed the basis of the lying under oath and obstruction of justice charges.  The lying under oath charge stemmed from the Clinton v. Jones civil lawsuit, which included President Clinton’s inaccurate grand jury testimony about a sexual relationship with Monica Lewinsky.

Solomon L. Wisenberg played a pivotal role in the Clinton Impeachment as a Deputy Independent Counsel during the Starr investigation. Mr. Wisenberg’s grand jury questioning of President Bill Clinton was submitted by independent counsel Kenneth Starr with his report to the House of Representatives as part of the Clinton impeachment proceedings.

Mr. Wisenberg has more than two decades of experience with complex federal white-collar crime investigations and jury trials and is currently the co-chair of Nelson Mullins White Collar Defense and Government Investigations practice.  He is a sought after analyst and routinely appears in a variety of media providing commentary and answering questions on federal white-collar investigations, impeachment, public corruption under the Hobbs Act, bribery and fraud, Foreign Corrupt Practice Act violations and other intricate legal issues.

Mr. Wisenberg was kind enough to take time out of his schedule to talk with the National Law Review on the upcoming Trump impeachment proceedings and how they are similar and different from the Clinton impeachment.

The Starr Report played a central role in the Clinton impeachment proceedings; producing the perjury and obstruction of justice charges stemming from the Clinton v. Jones civil action.

In the Clinton v. Jones sexual harassment lawsuit, Ms. Jones’ attorneys included questions about Monica Lewinsky and President Clinton’s behavior with other women to show a pattern of improper behavior with women by Clinton to bolster Ms. Jones’ sexual harassment claims.

Additionally, Ms. Jones’ attorneys sought to show a pattern concerning President Clinton’s actions in covering up various inappropriate interactions with women.

Do you think the impeachment prosecutors for President Trump will introduce elements from the Mueller report to show a pattern of behavior to bolster any criminal acts and any obstruction of justice case related to the withholding of aid to Ukraine?

Mr. Wisenberg: I think there’s no doubt that they will. I’ve heard some Democratic Congressmen talking about it and it’s very clear that they feel the obstruction portion of the Mueller report has not been given sufficient attention. So I’d be shocked if it does not constitute one of the articles of impeachment.

The Supreme Court in Clinton v. Jones held that a sitting president is subject to civil suits in federal court, this lead to President Clinton being deposed and perjuring himself and being impeached by the House of Representatives, on grounds of perjury to a grand jury and for obstruction of justice.

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If President Clinton was able to be deposed while in office, why are President Trump and other members of his administration, such as Mick Mulvaney, claiming immunity?

Mr. Wisenberg: Trump didn’t ever formally claim immunity, because Mueller never pressed the point. Keep in mind, Clinton vs Jones just said the president is not immune from suits while he is in office. Even President Clinton didn’t take the position that he could never be sued. President Clinton’s position was just that he didn’t have to answer lawsuits brought while he was the president, and the Supreme Court ended up saying yes you do, you don’t have that absolute immunity. But the Court also said that there needs to be respect and accommodations for the responsibilities of the office, for the president’s schedule, time, privacy, all of that kind of stuff.

However, in the Lewinsky criminal investigation where we sent President Clinton a grand jury subpoena after he ignored six of our requests to appear, we ended up withdrawing the subpoena. We did this because President Clinton’s attorney said if you withdraw the subpoena, he’ll sit for grand jury testimony. Clinton’s inquiry involved grand jury testimony, not just a deposition.  So the constitutional issue involving the President’s right to defy a grand jury subpoena for testimony alone was never tested there. I think it would’ve been an interesting issue, because Clinton did not want to be in a position where the president is being subpoenaed or responding to a subpoena, and he certainly didn’t want to be in a position of going to federal court to block the Lewinsky Grand Jury’s subpoena.

So that’s how it was worked out, and we don’t know what would have happened if he would have challenged our subpoena in court. There’s actually a case that came out in 1997. It’s the controlling law in the DC Circuit.  The Office of Independent Counsel that was investigating Agriculture Secretary Mike Espy wasn’t asking for testimony in that case. In the In Re Sealed Case, 121 F 3d 729 (1997). the issue was asking for documents and it’s actually a fairly high standard to be able to force the president to respond to a grand jury subpoena. I believe it’s quite possible that Mueller didn’t press the point because he might not have won under the test laid out for Mike Espy, even if he was just seeking testimony. Every case is dependent upon the particular facts.  And because Mueller already had been given a tremendous amount of relevant information, he may have not wanted to push it, as it’s not at all certain that he would’ve won. So not only would it have been a lengthy process that would have delayed the Mueller investigation, but Mueller may not have won on the issue. It’s not that President Trump was behaving inconsistently with the ruling in Clinton vs Jones. It’s that Mueller never forced Trump to make a choice.

Special Counsel Mueller declined to subpoena President Trump, as Mueller told the House Intelligence Committee that it looked highly unlikely that they would obtain an in-person interview with Trump and because of the perceived need to wrap up the investigation into Russian interference in the 2016 United States elections.

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Do you think Mr. Mueller’s strategy of not forcing President Trump to either testify, fight the subpoena in the courts or defy the subpoena will weaken the prosecutor’s ability to use the Mueller report in the impeachment process?

Mr. Wisenberg: Oh God, no. I mean, not at all. The report is what it is. The obstruction portion of the report (I should say alleged obstruction, because even Mueller doesn’t say that Trump criminally obstructed justice) is what it is. The obstruction portion of the Mueller report is based on witness testimony.  I don’t think there’s going to be much dispute about what happened. And apparently now the House of Representatives has the grand jury backup for the Mueller report’s witness testimony. President Trump has questioned some of Don McGahn’s factual statements, but McGahn was hardly alone in detailing the President’s efforts to stymie Mueller.

The dispute would be on the suggestion that the President criminally obstructed justice. I don’t think he did on the known facts, and the only episode that is even a close call on this was when President Trump allegedly asked Don McGahn to sign a document for the White House’s records denying he’d been told to fire Mueller. I think from the Democrats’ perspective they were waiting and waiting and waiting for the Mueller report and it was a dud. The Democrats blamed Bill Barr, I think, unfairly. The Democrats tried to hold testimony on the Mueller report and, it didn’t get anywhere, again, because of all of the claims of executive privilege and related doctrines. Now that they’ve got impeachment authority in Congress the Democrats are in a much stronger position.  They can say now, any area of inquiry is allowed under our Constitutional power to conduct an impeachment inquiry.

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Based on President Clinton’s conflicting testimony, Mr. Starr presented a case that President Clinton had committed perjury. Do you think President Trump’s frequent public statements, though not under oath about the Russian interference in the 2016 election and the alleged quid pro quo in the withholding of aid to Ukraine will be used in the impeachment proceedings?

Mr. Wisenberg:  The Democrats can use anything they want if they think it is valuable to them. The Democrats might say President Trump’s frequent commentaries can be construed as non-hearsay party admissions under the Federal Rules of Evidence in any proceeding brought against President Trump. Also, where somebody is accused of criminal wrongdoing and says something about the specific accusation that turns out to be false, this can be used against him as a false exculpatory statement.   So, I see no reason why they can’t consider anything they want to consider.

To answer your specific questions about President Clinton, President Clinton lied under oath in the Paula Jones civil rights lawsuit deposition thereby obstructing justice.  The federal district judge presiding held President Clinton in contempt of court. President Clinton is the only U.S president ever held in contempt by a federal judge. Additionally, President Clinton had his secretary retrieve and remove gifts Monika Lewinsky had in her possession, when the gifts were subpoenaed in the Jones civil suit. President Clinton used a White House employee, his secretary Betty Currie to obstruct justice in a civil rights lawsuit.

There are some people who say private conduct,  even if it’s criminal, should never be impeachable and that we should not be concerned with private conduct. And there is some historical support for this position in writings by the framers and stuff like that. But President Clinton did more than that. He used a White House employee in order to hide items under subpoena. That’s textbook obstruction.

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If President Trump’s impeachment prosecutors are able to demonstrate that alleged withholding of aid to Ukraine is a criminal act, do you think it will be easier to prove intent in an obstruction of justice case?

Mr. Wisenberg:  No, I don’t think so. I don’t think that helps them on obstruction of justice unless something new related to the Ukraine business comes out, but all he did was to say it’s a perfect call. Right? I think that if you were to somehow prove that this was a campaign finance violation or, or some kind of a crime, it might be a little bit easier to get a few more votes, but I don’t see anything yet that gets them the votes they need to convict President Trump in the Senate.  I understand some people believe that putting the phone call transcript on a separate server was obstruction, but that sounds weak to me.

GOP Senators will point out that President Trump was elected, and we’re a representative democracy. We’re going to hold an election in one year. They will say it’s not right to remove him because of Ukraine. Even if they think, as Senators, that it was a mistake.

I think it is going to take something really dramatic for there to be a shift. Either a dramatic shift in public opinion based on the live testimony or just something new coming out, some new scandal to move the needle on that.

To answer your question, if somebody were to somehow to prove without question that President Trump knew he was violating the law when he made the call, that may be meaningful. And that revelation again moves the needle maybe, but you can’t ignore the politics.

Take a look at the situation with President Clinton. There was no real question in anybody’s mind that he perjured himself and that he obstructed justice, but that didn’t all of a sudden make the Democrats in the Senate vote for removal. I don’t think any of them did. The Democrats during the Clinton impeachment and removal proceedings acted very similarly to how the Republicans are acting now.  You can’t ignore the politics.

Many thanks to Mr. Wisenberg for his time and answers to our questions.


Copyright ©2019 National Law Forum, LLC

PTSD Compensation for First Responders without Associated Physical Injury Revisited by Ohio Legislature in New House Bill

With the recent proliferation of mass shootings and other deadly incidents, several states have taken on the issue of allowing mental and/or emotional impairments caused by post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) to be a compensable workers’ compensation condition for first responders without the requirement of a physical injury.

In June 2019, House Bill 80, the budget bill for the Ohio Bureau of Workers’ Compensation, included such a proposal. After the bill passed the House, the Senate stripped the policy provisions on the mental-only diagnosis issue out of the proposed budget. Senate leaders indicated while there may be a reason for a special circumstance, it should be studied and debated separately from the workers’ compensation budget. In July 2019, leadership vowed to consider the legislation later in the year.

True to their word, the issue was revived in September 2019 by Representative Thomas Patton. House Bill 308 reintroduced the issue of PTSD coverage for first responders exposed to traumatic events in the course and scope of their employment. Two hearings on the bill have already occurred, most recently on Oct. 22, 2019. Proponent testimony was offered by several organizations and individuals. The statements reiterated concerns first responders are not able to pursue avenues for compensation under the law set forth by the Supreme Court of Ohio in Armstrong v. John R. Jurgensen Co. Interestingly, one of the organizations offering proponent testimony was the Ohio State Medical Association.

The business community remains opposed to any legislation that would allow for a “mental-mental” avenue for claimants. Rob Brundrett, director of public policy for the Ohio Manufacturers Association, provided testimony on House Bill 80 earlier this summer. Beyond merely the increased cost to employers, if a mental-only diagnosis were allowed, Mr. Brundrett noted the potential expansion of workers’ compensation beyond first responders could be required.

“If we erode the physical-injury requirement for peace offers, firefighters, and emergency medical workers, it may be difficult to justify not doing the same for other professionals who seek equal treatment,” Mr. Brundrett said in his testimony.

How such a proposal would be funded is also a concern of employers. Mr. Brundrett, who is closely following House Bill 308, has indicated that several discussions in the Senate have occurred in recent weeks on a potential bill that would provide PTSD coverage for first responders outside of the Bureau of Workers’ Compensation system. This proposal would, of course, be the preference of the business community.

While passage of this issue in the past has been unsuccessful, the August 2019 mass shooting in Dayton and its impact on first responders may result in this bill moving through the legislature. Dinsmore’s workers’ compensation group will continue to monitor this bill, as its passage would have a profound impact on employers.

If you wish to see the proponent testimony and follow the bill, you can obtain more information here.


© 2019 Dinsmore & Shohl LLP. All rights reserved.

For more on mental health, see the National Law Review Health Law & Managed Care page.