Author: National Law Forum

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Update: In Opioid Liability Ruling for Doctors, SCOTUS Deals Blow to DOJ

On June 27, 2022, the United States Supreme Court ruled that doctors who act in subjective good faith in prescribing controlled substances to their patients cannot be convicted under the Controlled Substance Act (“CSA”).  The Court’s decision will have broad implications for physicians and patients alike.  Practitioners who sincerely and honestly believe – even if mistakenly – that their prescriptions are within the usual course of professional practice will be shielded from criminal liability.

The ruling stemmed from the convictions of Dr. Xiulu Ruan and Dr. Shakeel Kahn for unlawfully prescribing opioid painkillers.  At their trials, the district courts rejected any consideration of good faith and instructed the members of the jury that the doctors could be convicted if they prescribed opioids outside the recognized standards of medical practice. The Tenth and Eleventh Circuits affirmed the instructions.  Drs. Ruan and Kahn were sentenced to 21 and 25 years in prison, respectively.

The Court vacated the decisions of the courts of appeals and sent the cases back for further review.

The question before the court concerned the state of mind that the Government must prove to convict a doctor of violating the CSA.  Justice Breyer framed the issue: “To prove that a doctor’s dispensation of drugs via prescription falls within the statute’s prohibition and outside the authorization exception, is it sufficient for the Government to prove that a prescription was in fact not authorized, or must the Government prove that the doctor knew or intended that the prescription was unauthorized?”

The doctors urged the Court to adopt a subjective good-faith standard that would protect practitioners from criminal prosecution if they sincerely and honestly believed their prescriptions were within the usual course of professional practice.  The Government argued for an objective, good-faith standard based on the hypothetical “reasonable” doctor.  The Court took it one step further.

Justice Breyer delivered the opinion of the Court.  He said that for purposes of a criminal conviction under the CSA, “the Government must prove beyond a reasonable doubt that the defendant knowingly or intentionally acted in an unauthorized manner.”  To hold otherwise “would turn a defendant’s criminal liability on the mental state of a hypothetical ‘reasonable’ doctor” and “reduce culpability on the all-important element of the crime to negligence,” he explained.  The Court has “long been reluctant to infer that a negligence standard was intended in criminal statutes,” wrote Justice Breyer.

Justice Samuel Alito wrote a concurring opinion, which Justice Clarence Thomas joined and Justice Amy Coney Barrett joined in part.  Although Justice Alito would vacate the judgments below and remand for further proceedings, he would hold that the “except as authorized” clause of the CSA creates an affirmative defense that defendant doctors must prove by a preponderance of the evidence.

The Court’s decision will protect patient access to prescriptions written in good faith.  However, for the government, the Court’s decision means prosecutors face an uphill battle in charging, much less convicting, physicians under the CSA.  Indeed, the Court’s decision may have a chilling effect on the recent surge in DOJ prosecutions of medical practitioners and pain clinics.

Article By Lindsay K. Gerdes and Madeline R. Pinto of Dinsmore & Shohl LLP

For more litigation legal news, click here to visit the National Law Review.

© 2022 Dinsmore & Shohl LLP. All rights reserved.

Why ‘Don’t Say Gay’ Bills are Antithetical to an Equitable and Inclusive Education

According to a 2019 GLSEN national survey of LGBTQ+ students, nearly 60% of surveyed students reported they felt unsafe at school because of their sexual orientation and 43% because of their gender expression. Within the same survey, nearly all (98.8%) LGBTQ+ students reported hearing “gay” used in a negative way at school, 95% heard other homophobic remarks, and 87% heard transphobic remarks.

When I was an educator, it was essential to my practice that all my students felt safe. If I were to hear any negative remarks about a student or become aware one of my students felt unsafe due to their identity, it would be my ethical, and moral, obligation to do something to create a safer and more inclusive learning environment; a core part of my role as an educator was to teach empathy and compassion in my students. This could be as simple as having a classroom discussion about the choices of language and how using words such as “gay” with a negative connotation can be hurtful to their classmates. This could also mean sharing my own identity as a queer man so my LGBTQ+ students knew they had someone they could turn to for support, and to normalize queer identities for all my students and their families. Either of these actions would require I discuss the importance of accepting all sexual orientations and gender identities.

In other words, I would have to say “gay.” But in six states — as of now — I would not have been able to do this.

The state of Florida attracted national attention earlier this year with the adoption of H.B. 1557, the “Parental Rights in Education” bill, more commonly known as the “Don’t Say Gay” bill. The bill, which has since been signed into law, dictates classroom instruction by “school staff” on “sexual orientation or gender identity may not occur in kindergarten through grade 3 or in a manner that is not age-appropriate or developmentally appropriate for students.” Five other states, according to the Movement Advancement Project, have similar laws enacted and several more have bills pending in their state legislatures. Some proponents of these bills argue the legislation is necessary to ensure parents have greater say when, if, and how LGBTQ+ issues are discussed with their children.

Yet these laws are designed to ensure only some parents have greater say, as the parents of LGBTQ+ children are certainly not reflected in these efforts.

At a time when youth mental health is reaching a crisis, state legislatures are advancing bills that would perpetuate, and arguably exacerbate, harmful school-based experiences for LGBTQ+ youth and worsen their well-being. A 2022 survey by the Trevor Project found 45% of LGBTQ+ youth seriously considered attempting suicide in the past year, and over half of transgender and nonbinary youth considered suicide. The 2019 GLSEN survey also found LGBTQ+ students who experienced forms of victimization based on their sexual orientation or gender identity (e.g., being bullied, hearing homophobic or transphobic remarks, etc.) had lower levels of self-esteem, higher levels of depression, and were less likely to say they belonged in school.

Some may argue “Don’t Say Gay” bills would not preclude educators from addressing instances of homophobia or transphobia in their classrooms and try to suggest that prohibitions on such actions are not the intent of the bills. However, regardless of intent, these bills often have the insidious impact to “chill” educators’ actions out of fear they may run afoul of the law and open themselves to reprimands, including being terminated.

All students deserve to have a safe, supportive, and affirming learning environment. All educators should be empowered to protect their students, and not feel afraid to step in when they notice a student being bullied because of their identity. And every parent should have the resources to be a partner in their child’s education. Unfortunately, state laws such as the “Don’t Say Gay” bills will only stand in way of these notions from becoming realities.

It is impossible to support all students when LGBTQ+ children continue to be targeted merely because of their identities.

Article By Sean A. Worley of Nelson Mullins

For more legislative legal news, click here to visit the National Law Review.

Copyright ©2022 Nelson Mullins Riley & Scarborough LLP

U.S. Supreme Court Sides with Public High School Coach in Free Speech/Freedom of Religion Case

The U.S. Supreme Court issued a ruling which will have wide-ranging effects on the ability of governmental entities to react to religious and other speech of public employees. In Kennedy v. Bremerton Schools, the Court ruled that a public high school could not discipline or disfavor a football coach for his practice of kneeling on the 50-yard line and praying at the conclusion of each game, eventually growing to include most of the football team and opposing players as well. The school district had attempted to accommodate the coach’s desire for prayer, but concerns mounted when one parent complained that her son felt compelled to participate despite being an atheist. The coach was eventually placed on administrative leave and not extended an offer to return to coaching the next school year. Both the district court and the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Ninth Circuit rejected the coach’s First Amendment challenges.

With a 6-3 majority, the Supreme Court reversed. In doing so, the Court first found a violation of the Free Exercise Clause.  The Court discounted the school district’s stated concerns that the coach’s practice could violate the Establishment Clause or interfere with students’ right of free exercise. The Court held that absent evidence of “direct” coercion the Establishment Clause was not implicated and then concluded that the coach’s position of authority over the players was insufficient to constitute direct coercion.  The Court distinguished earlier cases involving prayers at football games and civic meetings, by emphasizing that the speech for which the coach was disciplined was not publicly broadcast or recited to a captive audience. Additionally, students were not required or formally expected to participate.

With respect to the Free Speech issue, the Court concluded that the coach’s prayers were not unprotected “government speech,” and in doing so applied a restrictive view of what could be considered “government speech.”  The Court held that because the coach’s job duties did not include leading prayers, the fact that the speech occurred on the field immediately after the game was insufficient to transform it from private speech to government speech.  “To hold differently,” the Court stated, “would be to treat religious expression as second-class speech and eviscerate this Court’s repeated promise that teachers do not ‘shed their constitutional rights to freedom of speech or expression at the schoolhouse gate.’”

The decision, together with Shurtleff v. Boston decided earlier this Term, suggests a sharp break with past Court jurisprudence on the balance between the dictates of the Establishment and Free Exercise Clauses.  Government entities should review their policies on religious activity on government property or by employees in connection with their positions in light of these two decisions.

Article By Ahmad Chehab, Scott R. Eldridge, and Robert T. Zielinski of Miller Canfield

For more civil rights legal news, click here to visit the National Law Review.

© 2022 Miller, Canfield, Paddock and Stone PLC

Preparing Corporate Messaging in the Wake of Dobbs

The United States Supreme Court (“SCOTUS”), in Dobbs v. Jackson Women’s Health Organization, has held that there is no constitutional right to abortion, overruling Roe v. Wade and Casey v. Planned Parenthood.

Employers, who increasingly are finding themselves on the front lines of many societal issues, will need to decide quickly whether and how they might address the Dobbs decision, as public reaction has been and is likely to remain strong. Board members, employees, and shareholders may advocate for corporations to take a visible stand on the issue of abortion and reproductive rights. And employees may want to speak up themselves (possibly via employer social media accounts).

It is important to remember that company communication decisions and actions regarding the Dobbs ruling, as well as other political and social issues, can have practical and legal implications.

The first question is whether your company will comment on Dobbs. If you decide to comment, there are many factors to consider. Your message is an important starting point. Who is your intended audience? Will your employees consider it an opportunity to join in the conversation? What will you say? Even if your message is internal, keep in mind that it may not stay that way, given the nature of social media. And before you think, “I’ll just stay out of it,” remember that some will view silence or neutrality as a statement in and of itself. If you choose not to speak, are you prepared to deal with any potential reaction from customers, employees, or shareholders?

Internally, employees may have questions about health benefits or other terms and conditions of employment because of Dobbs. It will be important to arm all key stakeholders, including leadership, corporate communications, and human resources, with tools to consistently manage these communications and responses.

Whether it’s internal or external communications, expect feedback! How that feedback is handled is as important as the initial communication (or lack thereof).

Certain industries, like healthcare and insurance, may also feel compelled to make an affirmative statement if the Dobbs decision has a direct impact on services and/or products. In those cases, the need to consider all implications is even more pressing.

In thinking through these decisions, employers should also consider who may need to approve any messaging. The board of directors, senior executives, legal, and marketing and communications teams are among the key stakeholders who may need to be consulted. And don’t forget that your public-facing employees may bear the brunt of your response. Are they prepared?

Employers should also keep in mind various laws that may govern their reaction, including those they might otherwise not consider. For example, the National Labor Relations Act protects employees’ rights to collectively discuss terms and conditions of employment at work and off duty – and that applies to employers with and without a unionized workforce. The current Biden-appointed General Counsel of the National Labor Relations Board has taken an expanded view of topics that are connected to the workplace. Moreover, some states, including California and New York, have enacted off-duty conduct laws that prohibit employers from disciplining employees for lawful conduct outside of work, which may include political advocacy. There may also be anti-discrimination laws and potential civil and criminal liability associated with your statements, depending on their wording.

Reactions to the Dobbs decision may vary. Some reaction may be comparable to what we’ve seen with respect to other recent political and/or social justice movements, such as Black Lives Matter and #MeToo; others may react differently, or not at all. In these rapidly changing times, companies — particularly publicly traded and consumer-facing ones — need to be make informed decisions. Clear, consistent messaging is key to establishing confident and consistent responses to potential concerns by employees and other stakeholders.

Article By M. Carter DeLorme, Frank C. Morris, JR, Susan Gross Sholinsky, Jennifer Barna, and Erin E. Schaefer of Epstein Becker & Green, P.C.

For more civil rights legal news, click here to visit the National Law Review.

©2022 Epstein Becker & Green, P.C. All rights reserved.

U.S. Supreme Court Overturns Roe and Casey: What This Decision Means for Employers

As many expected based on the draft opinion that was leaked months ago, the U.S. Supreme Court has held the U.S. Constitution does not protect the right to obtain an abortion. Dobbs v. Jackson Women’s Health Organization, No. 19-1392 (June 24, 2022).

Dobbs overturns nearly 50 years of precedent from the Court’s decision in Roe v. Wade and Planned Parenthood Pennsylvania v. Casey on the issue.

The impact of Dobbs will vary, as states are now at liberty to enforce and create abortion legislation without restrictions arising out of constitutional protections.

What does this mean for employers?

As pressure mounts on this issue, some employers may be considering what, if anything, they can or should do. Many states have enacted legislation that restricts individual abortion rights and potentially third parties who assist individuals who seek abortions. To the extent any state laws were not enforced because of the Court’s holding in Roe or Casey, states can move forward now to implement and enforce those laws.

Laws often referred to as “trigger laws,” those that are in place but unenforceable due to overriding federal restrictions, become enforceable once those federal restrictions are lifted. As a result of Dobbs, abortion-related “trigger laws” previously unenforceable can take effect, creating new standards for individuals and others that will redefine the national abortion law landscape.

Some existing state laws and trigger laws may affect employers and put employers at risk of violating state law if they implement policies to assist employees seeking an abortion or even continue to cover abortions under group health plans. For example, a state law may create liability for anyone who “aids or abets” a person who obtains an abortion. Employers also must be cognizant of how they apply their leave policies, who may seek accommodations based on a sincerely held religious belief, and whether certain provisions of the Pregnancy Discrimination Act apply to women who are seeking or who have had an abortion.

In addition, the Court’s ruling may affect employee benefit plans. Many employers are considering additional benefits for their employees, and their covered dependents, such as travel reimbursement for seeking an abortion outside of the local jurisdiction due to state law restrictions. There are many legal issues to consider in connection with the coverage of abortion-related services under employee benefit plans. (For additional guidance on the issue, see our article, Group Health Plan Considerations in the Face of (Potentially) Changing Abortion Laws.) Depending on how the state laws are enacted, there also may be issues with relying on ERISA preemption provisions to avoid these obligations.

Corporate management and directors should plan for changes and be aware of policies and fiduciary responsibilities. This can include preparing for public and employee reactions (for and against), legislative and law enforcement threats, social media posts, and other employee demonstrations. Pressure from a variety of groups to take a corporate public opinion also may occur.

Whether changes to leave policies, employee benefits, travel reimbursement, or handling accommodation requests, employers considering policies or benefit offerings in response to Dobbs must carefully review and consider federal and state laws, including state abortion-related legislation to evaluate the risk of potential liability.

Article By Patricia Anderson Pryor, Joy Napier-Joyce, Melissa Ostrower, and Tasos C. Paindiris of Jackson Lewis P.C.

For more labor and employment legal news, click here to visit the National Law Review.
Jackson Lewis P.C. © 2022

The Way to Protect Your Business? What You Need to Know About Trade Secrets

What do Coca-Cola’s secret formula, McDonalds’ special sauce, and Google’s search algorithm have in common? Each is a protected trade secret. In other words, they are proprietary information vital to these companies’ survival and are among their most valuable corporate secrets.

A trade secret can be anything of value to your company that is unique and not known to persons outside the company. For example, a trade secret can be a recipe, process, formula, strategy, technique, or device that your competitors do not know, do not have, and cannot use.

Trade secret law can be less risky in some respects than other forms of intellectual property like patents, copyrights, and trademarks. The application process for a patent requires that a company disclose the secret itself. With that comes an inherent risk—should the application be denied, the secret is no longer a secret. While the protection afforded by trade secret law may be considered fragile, meaning constant vigilance is required to maintain secrecy, the secret remains a secret; while a patent, even after issuance, carries some risk of post-grant invalidation. By contrast, a trade secret owner may ultimately enjoy greater certainty by maintaining protection, potentially forever. However, a trade secret is entitled to protection only for as long as it is kept a secret. If the information is lawfully disclosed to the public, it is no longer confidential and loses its trade secret protection forever.

Governing Law: Both federal and state law recognize the time and money invested to gain competitive advantages like trade secrets and protect those advantages. Federal Law: Under the controlling federal legislation passed by Congress in 2016, the Defend Trade Secrets Act (“DTSA”) defines a trade secret as something used in a company’s business that (a) is not known or readily accessible by competitors, (b) has commercial value or that provides a competitive advantage in the marketplace, and (c) the owner of the information protects from disclosure through reasonable efforts to maintain its secrecy. Prior to the DTSA’s enactment in 2016, no federal statute promulgated a federal trade secret private right of action.

In addition to the DTSA’s rules regarding trade secrets, additional federal rules apply. The Economic Espionage Act of 1996 makes the theft of trade secrets a federal crime. The Act prohibits the theft of a trade secret by a person intending or knowing that the offense will injure a trade secret owner. The Act also makes it a federal crime to receive, buy, or possess trade secret information knowing it to have been stolen. The Act allows the government to punish thefts of trade secrets by imprisonment up to 15 years and/or fines up to $5 million, depending on whether the defendant is an individual or a corporation. A private party can still sue for trade secret theft even if the federal government files a criminal case under the Economic Espionage Act.

New York State Law: Prior to federal law, most states had some form of trade secret law that varied state to state. The Uniform Trade Secrets Act (“UTSA”) was published in 1979 and amended in 1985 to provide a uniform trade secret law. Many states, including Pennsylvania in 2004 and New Jersey in 2012, adopted the UTSA. Notably, New York did not adopt the UTSA and does not have its own state trade secret statute, and thus relies on the common law.

Under New York common law, “misappropriation” refers to the acquisition of a trade secret by someone who knows that the trade secret was acquired by improper means—theft, bribery, misrepresentation, breach, or inducement of a breach of duty to maintain secrecy. The New York statute of limitations requires that any action for misappropriation be filed three years from the date the misappropriation is discovered. Further, New York law requires that the use of the trade secret be continuous in the operation of a business, rather than one-time use.

Cartier v. Tiffany: Cartier recently filed suit against its luxury rival Tiffany & Co. in New York state court. Cartier v. Tiffany & Co., et al.,650925/2022 (N.Y. Sup.). Richemont-owned Cartier sets out claims against LVMH’s Tiffany & Co. for various contractual and tort claims and trade secret misappropriation against both defendants [Who is the other defendant?]. Cartier seeks preliminary and permanent injunctive relief to require defendants to refrain from using the allegedly misappropriated information and return it to Cartier, as well as a judgment for any “compensatory damages that may be caused by [Tiffany’s] wrongful conduct.”

The complaint states that Tiffany & Co. lured former Cartier employee Megan Marino away from her role as its Assistant Manager for Jewelry Merchandising to learn more about Cartier’s “High Jewelry” collection, where pieces typically cost $50,000 to $10 million.

Cartier claims Marino was bound by non-disclosure and non-solicitation agreements she had signed as part of her role at Cartier and that she breached those agreements by using Cartier’s confidential business information to benefit Tiffany. This information includes Cartier’s “very sensitive and valuable” internal company documents that Marino forwarded to her personal email. Specifically, Marino “referenced a [Cartier] Excel spreadsheet” that “detailed Cartier’s confidential, High Jewelry assortment information.” Based on that spreadsheet, Cartier alleges, Marino “created a new Excel document, derived entirely from Cartier’s confidential information,” including “the total number of High Jewelry pieces at various Cartier locations in the U.S.” Cartier maintains this information is “only accessible by a limited number of Cartier employees [and] not known outside of Cartier” and “allow[s] a sophisticated competitor to replicate key strategies and, with relative ease, to reverse engineer how Cartier allocates, merchandises, and prices its High Jewelry stock.” Cartier claims the proprietary and confidential nature of this information amounts to a trade secret-protected asset.

Cartier further claims Tiffany has a history of poaching employees and maintains a “disturbing culture of misappropriating competitive information.” Given the alleged pattern, Cartier asserts that Tiffany now possesses “a substantial amount of [its] confidential and trade secret information that it obtained from Marino and other former Cartier employees” as a result of their “unlawful taking of Cartier’s valuable confidential information and trade secrets.”

Even if Cartier successfully establishes that it maintains trade secret information that Tiffany misappropriated, the case is hardly straightforward. Establishing damages in cases like this is particularly challenging, as it is difficult to assign a dollar value to trade secret information that will compensate the plaintiff for the economic loss caused by the defendant’s misappropriation. As a result, courts generally have quite a bit of discretion in fashioning damages awards.

Article By David H. Siegel of Norris McLaughlin P.A.

For more intellectual property legal news, click here to visit the National Law Review.

©2022 Norris McLaughlin P.A., All Rights Reserved

3 Benefits of Cloud-Based Law Firms

Any law firm that’s evaluating practice management software has seen “cloud-based” options. Cloud technology has been around for a while, but some law firms are hesitant to switch to the cloud due to security concerns, lack of control, or downtime. The cloud has numerous benefits for a law firm, however. Instead of relying on filing cabinets and in-office servers, law firms can embrace the cloud and maximize their time and profits.

Why Should My Firm Use Cloud-Based Software?

Traditionally, law firms have relied on in-office software that is installed on a local computer or server within the office space. These servers are only accessible from computers in the same space but limit any remote access or capability. This setup quickly became an issue for law firms looking to sustain business continuity during the pandemic.

A cloud-based solution isn’t installed locally on the office server but is fully hosted on the internet. It uses a remote server maintained by the software provider, and access occurs through the internet. More recently, cloud-based legal practice management software has become the gold standard for law firms to manage and operate their business from anywhere. LPMs have slowly started to replace traditional servers and become the backbone for law firms to handle client management, calendaring, tasks, billing, and document storage.

Even post-pandemic, law firms are still learning to embrace legal technology and leverage the advantages of shifting their practice to the cloud. When done correctly and with the right resources, cloud-based law firms can improve aspects of their business from accessibility, security, client support, and even hiring and retention.

If you’re still on the fence about moving your firm to the cloud, here are 5 benefits that may change your mind:

Person checking phone for security code

1. Improved Security

Legal technology has come a long way in recent years with a strong emphasis on compliance and security. Law firms may be concerned about security, but some are realizing the cloud is more secure and cost-efficient than an on-premise solution. This is mostly because on-premise solutions typically require specialized support staff to perform lucrative updates to the system. These updates can cause severe downtime and even cost money calling in support.

With a cloud-based legal practice management software like PracticePanther, the all-in-one platform automatically updates and comes with the security and support your firm needs. The platform comes equipped with ABA and IOLTA compliant features and 256-bit military-grade encryption to ensure confidential information is safeguarded. It also offers two-factor authentication and customized security settings, which allow law firms to limit access to certain aspects of the software for some staff members.

Person communicating via video call

2. Supports Remote and Hybrid Work

Though many law firms are still working out the kinks — remote and hybrid working environments are a mainstay in the legal industry. Many lawyers are enjoying the productivity benefits and work-life balance of remote or hybrid schedules, allowing them to put in the hours they need for casework while also balancing their responsibilities at home.

On-premise legal software limits lawyers with remote work in many ways. Cloud-based legal software enables law firms to work securely within a centralized platform from anywhere. This allows staff to continue their responsibilities without risking accessibility or tasks falling through the cracks when staff are in different locations. For example, PracticePanther can create workflows with triggered tasks for staff to complete a new client onboarding, send documents for electronic signature, and even process payments. This process can be done from anywhere and lives in one system where the appropriate staff can easily access the case or client matter.

3. Streamlined Billing and Online Payments

Clients’ expectations have shifted and they want more convenient processes, especially with legal billing and how they conduct business with law firms. These clients are already using online services for virtually everything, from grocery shopping to accessing medical bills, and they want the same digital experience from their lawyers.

Cloud-based software makes this simple, especially when billing and online payments are built natively. This means firms can track time, create invoices, and send them for payment with easy-to-use payment links embedded. Platforms like PracticePanther also include exclusive reporting functions so firms can gain better insight into where and how their cash flow is generated to make more informed business decisions.

Outlook on Cloud-Based Firms

Cloud-based software offers law firms a unique opportunity to manage their practice and staff while growing their business from virtually anywhere. This structure has proved sustainable for many law firms and will continue to be the standard in the legal industry for firms that want to remain competitive and most importantly, profitable.

Article By Nina Lee of PracticePanther

For more legal marketing and technology news, click here to visit the National Law Review.

© Copyright 2022 PracticePanther

Throwing Out the Privacy Policy is a Bad Idea

The public internet has been around for about thirty years and consumers’ browser-based graphic-heavy experience has existed for about twenty-five years. In the early days, commercial websites operated without privacy policies.

Eventually, people started to realize that they were leaving trails of information online, and in the early ‘aughts the methods for business capturing and profiting from these trails became clear, although the actual uses of the data on individual sites was not clear. People asked for greater transparency from the sites they visited online, and in response received the privacy policy.

A deeply-flawed instrument, the website privacy policy purports to explain how information is gathered and used by a website owner, but most such policies are strangely both imprecise and too long, losing the average reader in a fog of legalese language and marginally relevant facts. Some privacy policies are intentionally obtuse because it doesn’t profit the website operator to make its methods obvious. Many are overly general, in part because the website company doesn’t want to change its policy every time it shifts business practices or vendor alliances. Many are just messy and poorly written.

Part of the reason that privacy policies are confusing is that data privacy is not a precise concept. The definition of data is context dependent. Data can mean the information about a transaction, information gathered from your browser visit (include where you were before and after the visit), information about you or your equipment, or even information derived by analysis of the other information. And we know that de-identified data can be re-identified in many cases, and that even a collection a generic data can lead to one of many ways to identify a person.

The definition of data is context dependent.

The definition of privacy is also untidy. An ecommerce company must capture certain information to fulfill an online order. In this era of connected objects, the company may continue to take information from the item while the consumer is using it. This is true for equipment from televisions to dishwashers to sex toys. The company likely uses this information internally to develop its products. It may use the data to market more goods or services to the consumer. It may transfer the information to other companies so they can market their products more effectively. The company may provide the information to the government. This week’s New Yorker devotes several pages to how the word “privacy” conflates major concepts in US law, including secrecy and autonomy,1 and is thus confusing to courts and public alike.

All of this is difficult to reflect in a privacy policy, even if the company has incentive to provide useful information to its customers.

Last month the Washington Post ran an article by Geoffrey Fowler that was subtitled “Let’s abolish reading privacy policies.” The article notes a 2019 Pew survey claiming that only 9 percent of Americans say they always read privacy policies. I would suggest that more than half of those Americans are lying. Almost no one always reads privacy policies upon first entering a website or downloading an app. That’s not even really what privacy policies are for.

Fowler shows why people do not read these policies. He writes, “As an experiment, I tallied up all of the privacy policies just for the apps on my phone. It totaled nearly 1 million words. “War and Peace” is about half as long. And that’s just my phone. Back in 2008, Lorrie Cranor, a professor of engineering and public policy at Carnegie Mellon University, and a colleague estimated that reading and consenting to all the privacy policies on websites Americans visit would take 244 hours per year.”

The length, complexity and opacity of online privacy policies are concerning. The best alleviation for this concern would not be to eliminate privacy policies, but to make them less instrumental in the most important decisions about descriptive data.

Limit companies’ use of data and we won’t need to fight through their privacy options.

Website owners should not be expected to write out privacy policies that are both sufficiently detailed and succinctly readable so that consumers can make meaningful choices about use of the data that describes them. This type of system forces a person to be responsible for her own data protection and takes the onus off of the company to limit its use of the data. It is like our current system of waste recycling – both ineffective and supported by polluters, because rather than forcing manufacturers to use more environmentally friendly packaging, it pushes consumers to deal with the problem at home, shifting the burden from industry to us.  Similarly, if the legislatures provided a set of simple rules for website operators – here is what you are allowed to do with personal data, and here is what you are not allowed to do with it – then no one would read privacy policies to make sure data about our transactions was spared the worst treatment. The worst treatment would be illegal.

State laws are moving in this direction, providing simpler rules restricting certain uses and transfers of personal data and sensitive data. We are early in the process, but if the trend continues regarding omnibus state privacy laws in the same manner that all states eventually passed data breach disclosure laws, then we can be optimistic and expect full coverage of online privacy rules for all Americans within a decade or so. But we shouldn’t need to wait for all states to comply.

Unlike the data breach disclosure laws which encourage companies to comply only with the laws relevant to their particular loss of data, omnibus privacy laws affect the way companies conduct the normal course of everyday business, so it will only take requirements in a few states before big companies start building their privacy rights recognition functions around the lowest common denominator. It will simply make economic sense for businesses to give every US customer the same rights as most protective state provides its residents. Why build 50 sets of rules when you don’t need to do so? The cost savings of maintaining only one privacy rights-recognition system will offset the cost of providing privacy rights to people in states who haven’t passed omnibus laws yet.

This won’t make privacy policies any easier to read, but it will become less important to read them. Then privacy policies can return to their core function, providing a record of how a company treats data. In other words, a reference document, rather than a set of choices inset into a pillow of legal terms.

We shouldn’t eliminate the privacy policy. We should reduce the importance of such polices, and limit their functions, reducing customer frustration with the privacy policy’s role in our current process. Limit companies’ use of data and we won’t need to fight through their privacy options.

ENDNOTES

1 Privacy law also conflates these meanings with obscurity in a crowd or in public.

Article By Theodore F. Claypoole of Womble Bond Dickinson (US) LLP

For more privacy and cybersecurity legal news, click here to visit the National Law Review.

Copyright © 2022 Womble Bond Dickinson (US) LLP All Rights Reserved.

CMS Reduces COVID-19 Vaccine Mandate Surveys and Rescinds Surveyor Vaccination Requirements

In two recent memoranda, the Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services (CMS) made changes to previously issued survey guidance related to COVID-19 vaccination issues.

In QSO-22-17-ALL, CMS modified the frequency by which State Agencies and Accreditation Organizations will survey for compliance with the federal staff vaccine mandate applicable to health care providers and suppliers (discussed in a prior post).  Noting that 95% of providers and suppliers surveyed have been found in substantial compliance with the rule, CMS is eliminating the previous requirement that State Agencies and Accreditation Organizations survey for compliance with the vaccine mandate during every survey.  Review of compliance with vaccine mandate is still required, however, during initial surveys, recertification surveys, and in response to specific complaint allegations that allege non-compliance with the staff vaccination requirement.  This means that a State Agency or Accreditation Organization is not required to review compliance with the staff vaccination requirement during, for example, a validation survey or a complaint survey unrelated to compliance with the staff vaccination requirement.  A State Agency or Accreditation Organization may still choose to expand any survey to include review of vaccine mandate compliance; however, the new guidance should result in a reduction in survey frequency of this issue for providers and suppliers.

In QSO-22-18-ALL, CMS rescinded, in its entirety, the previously issued QSO-22-10-ALL memorandum, which had mandated that surveyors of State Agencies and Accreditation Organizations be vaccinated for COVID-19.  However, CMS noted that the State Agencies and Accreditation Organizations were responsible for compliance and prohibited providers and suppliers from asking surveyors for proof of vaccination.  While CMS is now encouraging vaccination of surveyors performing federal oversight surveys, the mandate for vaccination is no longer in effect.

Article By Allen R. Killworth of Epstein Becker & Green, P.C.

For more coronavirus legal news, click here to visit the National Law Review.

©2022 Epstein Becker & Green, P.C. All rights reserved.

How to Write Better Client Alerts and Blog Posts

One of the most effective marketing strategies for lawyers is writing client alerts and blog posts on a regular basis. Publishing content like this establishes you as a thought leader and helps to keep you top of mind with your clients, referrals, prospects and the media and bolsters your SEO results too.

So, what makes a good client alert or blog post? It’s not about writing the longest alert or publishing it before your competitors or including every detail about the court decision.

I see many law firms publish client alerts with good intentions – the whole idea is to get helpful information to your clients and prospects as quickly as possible with interesting insights.

A lot of law firms sometimes miss the mark because their client alerts are either just regurgitating facts, don’t have a lot of insight in them, are too long, are written in legalese and they’re not client-centric meaning they don’t put the client first and aren’t written for them and their needs, which completely defeats the point.

I also see alerts that are too cute or clever – with headlines based on movies, TV shows or music lyrics . What you really want to do is deliver a clear promise in the headline and provide value while engaging your reader.

A strong headline is often the determining factor on whether someone actually opens the content or not. You also must actually deliver on what you say you’re going to provide in the alert.

So if the alert says it is going to be on X topic and the first few sentences lead you to believe that, but then it goes down another path, that’s clickbait and frustrates the reader.

Almost as important as what you write is how you structure the alert. Dense, long paragraphs are not going to capture your reader’s attention today. Try using shorter paragraphs with subheadings. Make it easy for someone to follow along and find points of engagement. Bulleted or numbered lists also work well to engage your reader.

In addition, make sure your alert has a vantage point. Just regurgitating information that somebody can find on a public website about a major decision or case or update in the law is not very poignant, memorable, relevant or helpful.

What is helpful and useful is explaining what the decision or update means for your client’s business.  And of course, the hidden underlying message is “we can help you with this, we care about you and our insights can help solve your thorniest legal and business needs.” Just make sure that your content supports that too.

Writing client alerts and blog posts is one of the best ways to get back in touch with your clients, referrals and prospects in a way that showcases your subject-matter authority. Plus you’re not even thinking about all of the silent viewers and readers of your content and how that can actually lead to new business, greater visibility and brand recognition.

If writing a client alert or blog post seems too overwhelming to do alone, buddy up with a colleague or even better – a client. The summer is a great time to focus on drafting and publishing a piece of content like this, so what are you waiting for?

Watch this video for more tips on writing a better client alert or blog post.

Copyright © 2022, Stefanie M. Marrone. All Rights Reserved.