Category: Corporate Social Responsibility

DOJ Plan to Offer Whistleblower Awards “A Good First Step”

The Department of Justice (DOJ) will launch a whistleblower rewards program later this year, Deputy Attorney General Lisa Monaco, announced today. Monaco stated that other U.S. whistleblower award programs, such as the SEC, CFTC, IRS and AML programs, “have proven indispensable” and that the DOJ plans to offer awards for tips not covered under these programs.

“This is a good first step, but the Justice Department has miles to go in creating a whistleblower program competitive with the programs managed by the U.S. Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC) and Commodity Futures Trading Commission (CFTC),” said Stephen M. Kohn.

“We hope that the DOJ will follow the lead of the SEC and CFTC and establish a central Whistleblower Office that can accept anonymous and confidential complaints. Such a program has been required under the anti-money laundering whistleblower law for over three years, but Justice has simply failed to follow the law,” added Kohn, who also serves as Chairman of the Board of the National Whistleblower Center.

According to Monaco, “under current law, the Attorney General is authorized to pay awards for information or assistance leading to civil or criminal forfeitures” but this authority has never been used “as part of a targeted program.” The DOJ is “launching a 90-day sprint to develop and implement a pilot program, with a formal start date later this year,” she stated.

While the specifics of the program have yet to be announced, Monaco did state that the DOJ will only offer awards to individuals who were not involved in the criminal activity itself.

“The Justice Department’s decision to exclude persons who may have had some involvement in the criminal activity is a step backwards and demonstrates a fundamental misunderstanding as to why the Dodd-Frank and False Claims Acts work so well,” continued Kohn. “When the False Claims Act was signed into law by President Abraham Lincoln in 1863 it was widely understood that the award laws worked best when they induced persons who were part of the conspiracy to turn in their former associates in crime. Justice needs to understand that by failing to follow the basic tenants of the most successful whistleblower laws ever enacted, their program is starting off on the wrong foot.”

Geoff Schweller also contributed to this article.

Copyright Kohn, Kohn & Colapinto, LLP 2024. All Rights Reserved.
For more news on the DOJ’s Whistleblower Award Program, visit the NLR Criminal Law / Business Crimes section.

SEC Issues Long-Awaited Climate Risk Disclosure Rule

INTRODUCTION

On Wednesday, 6 March 2024, the Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC) approved its highly anticipated final rules on “The Enhancement and Standardization of Climate-Related Disclosures for Investors” by a vote of 3-2, with Republican Commissioners Hester Peirce and Mark Uyeda dissenting. Accompanying the final rules was a press release and fact sheet detailing the provisions of the rulemaking. The final rules will go into effect 60 days after publication in the Federal Register and will include a phased-in compliance period for all registrants.

This is likely to be one of the most consequential rulemakings of Chairman Gary Gensler’s tenure given the prioritization of addressing climate change as a key pillar for the Biden administration. However, given the significant controversy associated with this rulemaking effort, the final rules are likely to face legal challenges and congressional oversight in the coming months. As such, it remains unclear at this point whether the final rules will survive the forthcoming scrutiny.

WHAT IS IN THE RULE?

According to the SEC’s fact sheet:

  • “The final rules would require a registrant to disclose, among other things: material climate-related risks; activities to mitigate or adapt to such risks; information about the registrant’s board of directors’ oversight of climate-related risks and management’s role in managing material climate-related risks; and information on any climate-related targets or goals that are material to the registrant’s business, results of operations, or financial condition.
  • Further, to facilitate investors’ assessment of certain climate-related risks, the final rules would require disclosure of Scope 1 and/or Scope 2 greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions on a phased-in basis by certain larger registrants when those emissions are material; the filing of an attestation report covering the required disclosure of such registrants’ Scope 1 and/or Scope 2 emissions, also on a phased-in basis; and disclosure of the financial statement effects of severe weather events and other natural conditions including, for example, costs and losses.
  • The final rules would include a phased-in compliance period for all registrants, with the compliance date dependent on the registrant’s filer status and the content of the disclosure.”

NEXT STEPS

The final rules are likely to face significant opposition, including legal challenges and congressional oversight. It is expected that there will be various lawsuits brought against the final rules, which are likely to receive support from several industry groups, or potentially GOP-led state attorneys general who have been active in litigating against environmental, social and governance (ESG) policies and regulations. It is also possible that the final rules could face criticism from some climate advocates that the SEC did not go far enough in its disclosure requirements.

Further, it is expected that the House Financial Services Committee (HFSC) will conduct oversight hearings, as well as introduce a resolution under the Congressional Review Act (CRA), to attempt to block the regulations from taking effect. HFSC Chairman Patrick McHenry (R-NC) indicated that the Oversight and Investigations Subcommittee will hold a field hearing on March 18 and the full Committee will convene a hearing on April 10 to discuss the potential implications of the rules. If a CRA resolution were to pass the House and garner sufficient support from moderate Democrats in the Senate to pass, it would likely be vetoed by President Biden.

Ultimately, the SEC climate risk disclosure rules are unlikely to significantly change the trajectory of corporate disclosures made by multinational companies based in the U.S., most of whom have already been making sustainability disclosures in accordance with the Financial Stability Board’s Task Force on Climate-Related Financial Disclosures. The ongoing problem for investors is that such disclosures are not standardized and therefore are not comparable. Consequently, many of these large issuers may continue to enhance their sustainability disclosures in accordance with standards issued by the International Sustainability Standards Board and the Global Reporting Initiative as an investor relations imperative notwithstanding the SEC’s timetable for implementation of these final rules.

A more detailed analysis of the SEC rules is forthcoming from our Corporate and Asset Management and Investment Funds practices in the coming days.

Copyright 2024 K & L Gates
For more news on the SEC’s Climate Disclosure Rule, visit the NLR Environmental, Energy & Resources section.

Oil Pollution Act: Tips for Spill Response, Compliance, and Enforcement

Oil spills commonly occur when least expected and, even in smaller quantities can significantly disrupt business operations and create risks for enforcement and/or litigation. It’s important that companies are prepared and know the environmental requirements for when the least expected happens, including understanding what actually is “oil” (hint: it’s broader than you might think!), who to notify, legal authorities at play, and best practices to ensure compliance and minimize exposure to regulators and/or private parties.

What is “Oil” Anyway?

Section 311 of the Clean Water Act (CWA) and the Oil Pollution Act (OPA) make up the federal statutory framework for oil spills. However, many companies may not realize that both petroleum-based and non-petroleum-based substances are regulated as “oil” under the CWA and OPA. As a result, many companies may not realize that they are subject to these laws and, therefore, fail to adequately prepare for compliance and/or response both pre- and post-spill.

Specifically, Section 311(a)(1) of the CWA defines oil as “oil of any kind or in any form, including, but not limited to, petroleum, fuel oil, sludge, oil refuse, and oil mixed with wastes other than dredged spoil.” 40 CFR § 112.2 further defines oil as “oil of any kind or in any form, including, but not limited to: fats, oils, or greases of animal, fish, or marine mammal origin; vegetable oils, including oils from seeds, nuts, fruits, or kernels; and, other oils and greases, including petroleum, fuel oil, sludge, synthetic oils, mineral oils, oil refuse, or oil mixed with wastes other than dredged spoil.” This definition is notably broader than what many may consider “oil” (i.e., crude oil and refined petroleum products) and encompasses animal fats, vegetable oils, and non-petroleum oils.

When to Notify?

The CWA and OPA require companies to notify the National Response Center (NRC) of oil spills as soon as they are discovered (i.e., within 15 minutes). This applies to all discharges that reach navigable waters of the U.S. (WOTUS) or adjoining shorelines and (1) cause a sheen; (2) violate applicable water quality standards; or (3) cause a sludge or emulsion beneath the surface of the water or upon adjoining shorelines. In practice, this typically results from a sheen, which 40 C.F.R. § 110.1 defines as an “iridescent appearance on the surface of water.” The Oil Pollution Prevention regulations (discussed further below) also identify discharges from regulated facilities that require reporting, though there are exceptions—for example, when the discharge is in compliance with a permit under Section 402 of the CWA.

Under state and local laws, notification may be much more stringent. For example, California requires immediate reporting of “any significant release or threatened release” of a hazardous material, which includes oil. This can be subjective and requires a fact- and legal-specific evaluation of whether the release qualifies as “threatened” and/or “significant.” In Georgia, immediate notification is required either when the oil creates a “significant sheen on top of state waters” or when the amount discharged is unknown—further creating different criteria for when reporting is required. Regardless of what triggers notification, it is important that companies understand that different agencies—federal, state, and local—may each have different reporting requirements, and accurate and timely reporting is absolutely crucial. Often, failure to timely report is the first violation sought by agencies and can result in increased penalties and additional scrutiny.

What Authorities Are at Play?

At the federal level, two agencies primarily exercise authority over oil spills—the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) and U.S. Coast Guard (CG). Depending on the location of the spill, the EPA or CG may lead federal oversight with the EPA overseeing inland spills and CG overseeing offshore spills. The Pipeline and Hazardous Materials Safety Administration and Federal Railroad Administration may also exercise authority for pipeline or railroad releases, respectively.

As mentioned above, Section 311 of the CWA and OPA—enacted in 1990 in response to the Exxon Valdez oil spill—make up the federal statutory framework for oil spills. In practice, these authorities are best categorized into two areas: (1) oil spill response; and (2) oil spill prevention and preparedness. It is important for companies to understand the expectations for both (discussed in more detail below), and the National Oil and Hazardous Substances Pollution Contingency Plan (often referred to as the National Contingency Plan or NCP), which outlines the federal government’s cleanup strategy for responding to oil spills, including other cleanups under CERCLA. The goal of the NCP is to ensure that resources are available and responses are consistent. Thus, when the federal government oversees a cleanup, the federal On-Scene Coordinator will expect that all response efforts, including those conducted by the responsible party, are consistent with the NCP.

At the state level, most utilize their respective water laws to address oil spills, though some states, like Louisiana, have laws comparable to OPA. At the local level, municipalities have notification and emergency response authorities that will be applicable. In the end, it’s very important that companies understand that several layers of government may have some form of oversight depending on the size, impact, and location of an oil spill.

OPA v. CWA

While the CWA and OPA are complimentary, including OPA amending the CWA, companies should understand the goals and implications of both. Generally, the CWA focuses on oil spill enforcement for cleanups and penalties, and the OPA broadens national and regional capability for preventing, responding to, and paying for oil spills.

For the CWA, Section 311(b)(3) expressly prohibits the discharge of oil (or hazardous substances) into or upon WOTUS and adjoining shorelines in quantities that may be harmful.1 For oil, this generally means discharges to WOTUS that cause sheening or violate applicable water quality standards. Sections 311(c) and (e) of the CWA provide extensive authority to the federal government to respond to these discharges, including threatened discharges, by issuing orders—either unilaterally or by consent—to owners, operators, or persons in charge of the facility from which the discharge occurs.

Sections 311(b)(6) and (7) of the CWA further empower the federal government to pursue significant penalties—both administrative and civil—for spills that reach WOTUS and/or when responsible parties fail to comply with an order. If gross negligence or willful misconduct is involved, you can expect even greater penalties—commonly more than three-fold—not to mention possible criminal liability. Internally, the EPA utilizes the Civil Penalty Policy for Sections 311(b)(3) and (j) of the CWA and factors outlined in Section 311(b)(8) of the CWA, including the seriousness of the violation, economic benefit to the responsible party, history of prior violations, and efforts to minimize or mitigate the discharge, to evaluate enforcement and penalty calculations.

Akin to the CWA, Section 2702(a) of OPA also makes responsible parties liable for removal costs and natural resource damages resulting from any discharge of oil, including a substantial threat of discharge, to WOTUS and adjoining shorelines. Notably, this includes not only costs incurred by the federal government, but also costs or damages to private parties, including damages for the loss of personal property, loss of revenues/profits due to injury, and cost of additional services during or after a spill. OPA further aims to strengthen national and regional response strategies, amend the National Oil and Hazardous Substances Pollution Contingency Plan, require facilities to develop prevention and response plans, and establish a fund for damages and cleanup costs—each discussed below.

While it is typically always the priority of the federal government to have responsible parties pay for and conduct their own spill cleanups, when a responsible party is unknown, unable, or refuses to pay, funds from the Oil Spill Liability Trust Fund (OSLTF) can be utilized to pay for the response. The OSLTF is managed by the CG’s National Pollution Funds Center (NPFC) and the NPFC thereby manages any oversight or cleanup costs incurred by the federal government. Thus, if an oil spill occurs at your facility and the federal government incurs costs responding or overseeing, the NPFC will be the entity that seeks recovery of those costs—even if the EPA later pursues penalties for the same discharge pursuant to Sections 311(b)(6) and (7) of the CWA. In addition, when a non-liable party performs a cleanup or incurs damages as a result of an oil spill, that party may file a claim for reimbursement directly against the responsible party and/or seek reimbursement from the NPFC.

Lastly, regarding liability, both the CWA and OPA are strict liability and provide limited liability defenses for acts of God, acts of war, or acts/omissions of third parties—comparable to CERCLA. Even so, it’s important to note that Section 309(g)(6) of the CWA states that the federal government may not seek enforcement, including penalties, if the state “has commenced and is diligently prosecuting an action” under a comparable state law. This includes issuing a final order or directing a responsible party to pay a penalty. As mentioned above, states typically pursue oil spill violations via their respective water laws, which may be considered comparable. State penalties may often be substantially less than those sought by the federal government—thus, early engagement with the state can be advantageous depending on the circumstances.

Oil Pollution Prevention Regulations

Section 311(j) of the CWA and OPA, as outlined in 40 C.F.R. Part 112, require facilities that store oil in significant quantities to prepare Spill Prevention, Control, and Countermeasure (SPCC) Plans to prevent accidental releases from reaching WOTUS or adjoining shorelines. Facilities with a greater risk of release and impact to WOTUS may also be required to develop a Facility Response Plan (FRP) to prepare for “worst-case spills.” At the outset, companies should confirm whether these regulations are applicable to their operations and facilities.

SPCC plans are required for facilities that are: (1) non-transportation-related (i.e., they store, process, or consume oil rather than simply move it from one facility to another); and (2) collectively store more than 1,320 gallons of oil above ground or 42,000 gallons below ground that could reasonably be expected to discharge oil to a WOTUS or adjoining shorelines. This can include oil drilling and production facilities, oil refineries, industrial, commercial, and agricultural facilities storing/using oil, facilities that transfer oil via pipelines or tank trucks (including airports), and facilities that sell or distribute oil, like marinas. Practically, these regulations require facilities to have a written plan certified by a professional engineer (apart from qualified facilities), maintain adequate secondary containment for oil storage, maintain updated lists of the federal, state, and local agencies that must be contacted in case of a spill, and follow regular inspection requirements, among other requirements.

In addition to SPCC, FRP plans are required for facilities that could reasonably expect to cause “substantial harm” to the environment by discharging oil into or upon WOTUS. They either have: (1) total oil storage capacity greater than or equal to 42,000 gallons and transfer oil over water to/from vessels; or (2) total oil storage capacity greater than or equal to 1 million gallons and either do not have sufficient secondary containment, are located at a distance such that a discharge could cause “injury” to habitat or shut down a drinking water intake, or within the past five years, have had a reportable discharge greater than or equal to 10,000 gallons. If so, given that FRP is self-identifiable, the facility must prepare and submit its FRP plan to its applicable EPA regional office. Among other things, these plans include evaluating , medium, and worst-case discharge scenarios, descriptions and records of self-inspections, drills, and response training, and diagrams of the facility site plan, drainage, and evacuation plan.

EPA commonly conducts inspections at subject facilities to ensure that SPCC and FRP plans are effectively implemented. Should your facility have an oil spill, plan on an inspection very soon to evaluate compliance and mitigation efforts with your respective requirements.

Suggested Actions

Beyond being aware of the above implications and requirements, below are several actions to consider to ensure compliance and minimize possible enforcement and/or litigation when the least expected occurs.

  • Act Fast: Should an oil spill occur, regardless of size, act fast to respond, mitigate, and determine if notification is required. This includes immediate internal coordination with those responsible for responding, as well as outreach to your environment counsel and/or consultant. If the determination for reporting is close, it is recommended that you report (with a qualified caveat) rather than withhold.
  • Education and Training: Ensure your staff is trained to effectively respond to, report, and prevent oil spills. Oil spills happen despite best attempts otherwise. When the inevitable happens, make sure facility staff are prepared to respond and mitigate the potential impacts of the spill, including having spill reporting hotlines and other contact numbers easily accessible and staff trained on where all information is located. Also, learn from past spills and/or near spills by conducting evaluations and identifying lessons learned to be utilized to prevent future spills.
  • Prepare for Outside Communication: If the spill is significant or causes public impacts, be prepared for outreach by the public, including local news and community groups. Notifications to the NRC are available online and impacts to public or private property often lead to alerts to local news and organizations. Ensure your public affairs contact(s) are aware and develop necessary communication, including desk statements, should the spill create public attention.
  • Review Compliance: Evaluate your current compliance with federal, state, or local requirements, including the development, assessment, and update (if needed) of SPCC and/or FRP response plans. This includes determining if either or both are required at your facility. Should a spill occur, it is important to make sure your response plans are up-to-date and ready for implementation.
  • Regular Audits and Updates: Periodically audit your spill response and prevention measures (SPCC and FRP plans), including any changes to facility operations, secondary containment features, or volumes of oil stored, to identify and correct inaccuracies and ensure that your plans are up-to-date. For FRP, this includes submitting updates to the appropriate EPA regional office within 60 days of each change that may materially affect the response to a worst-case discharge.
  • Insurance: Though not always necessary, consider appropriate insurance coverage to mitigate potential financial liabilities.
  • Consultation: If you have any doubts about your obligations during an oil spill or need assistance with compliance, please do not hesitate to contact your environment counsel or consultants for guidance and support.

1 While this discussion focuses on the impacts of oil spills, it’s important to remember that Section 311 of the CWA (though not OPA) also applies to hazardous substances—discharges to a WOTUS that exceed a reportable quantity pursuant to 40 C.F.R. § 117.3—though the federal government may typically utilize the Comprehensive Environmental Response, Compensation, and Liability Act (CERCLA or Superfund), or combination thereof, to pursue such releases.

© 2024 Beveridge & Diamond PC
For more news on Oil Spills, visit the NLR Environmental, Energy & Resources section.

A New Year for Whistleblowers? Emergency Action Needed to Make Current Whistleblower Laws Work

In 2021 the White House, in conjunction with every major executive agency, approved The United States Strategy on Countering Corruption. In this authoritative and non-partisan Anti-Corruption Strategy, the United States for the first time formally recognized the key role whistleblowers play in detecting fraud and corruption. Based on these findings it declared that it was the official policy of the United States to “stand in solidarity” with whistleblowers, both domestically and internationally. As part of the Anti-Corruption Strategy the United States recognized that whistleblower qui tam reward laws must play a major role in combating financial frauds, such as money laundering. The proven ability of whistleblowers to detect fraud among corporate and government elites led the United States government to formally identify them as key players in preventing fraud, strengthening democratic institutions, and combating corruption that threatens U.S. national security.

Despite these findings, leading federal agencies responsible for enforcing whistleblower rights have failed to implement the U.S. Anti-Corruption Strategy’s whistleblower-mandates. Many of their current rules and practices directly undercut and undermine the very whistleblower rights identified by the White House Strategy as playing an essential role in combating corruption.

The 118th Congress will end on January 3, 2025. Thus, there is one year remaining for Congress and the current-sitting executive officers to act on a number of pending whistleblower initiatives, all of which have strong bipartisan support, are based on the plain meaning of laws already passed by Congress, and which are individually or collectively essential for the implementation of the U.S. Anti-Corruption Strategy. Outside of political interference by those who stand to lose when whistleblowers are incentivized and protected, there is no legitimate reason why these reforms cannot be quickly approved. The actions listed below are needed for the Strategy to be implemented, but whose approval has been stalled or blocked by resistant executive agencies or a timid Congress:

  • AML Whistleblower Regulations. The Treasury Department must enact regulations fully implementing the money laundering and sanctions whistleblower provisions of the Anti-Money Laundering Act. This law has been in effect since January 1, 2021, but Treasury has failed to implement the required regulations. Congress did its job, but Treasury has dropped the ball on approving the regulations necessary to ensure that the law is enforced. President Biden must demand that his Secretary of Treasury fully implement the anti-corruption Strategy his White House has approved as a critical national security measure.
  • Justice Department Whistleblower Regulations. Since January 1, 2021 the U.S. Department of Justice (DOJ) has been required, as a matter of law, to accept anonymous and confidential whistleblower disclosures concerning violations of the Bank Secrecy Act, including illegal money laundering and the use of crypto currency exchanges to facilitate violations of law. In December 2022, this requirement was by law extended to whistleblowers, worldwide, who wish to report violations of sanctions covering Russia, Hamas, ISIS, and other covered entities. In contempt of its legal requirements the Justice Department has ignored this law, and has failed to adopt regulations permitting anonymous whistleblowing. Congress did its job, Justice has dropped the ball. President Biden must demand that his Attorney General fully implement the anti-corruption Strategy his White House has approved as a critical national security measure.
  • SEC Whistleblower Regulations. Although the Securities and Exchange Commission’s (SEC) Whistleblower Program has radically improved since its failure to respond to whistleblower disclosures regarding the fraudster Bernie Madoff, regulations approved over 12-years ago continue to violate the statutory rights granted whistleblowers under the Dodd-Frank Act and strip otherwise qualified whistleblowers of their rights. For example, although the law gives whistleblowers the right to provide “original information” to the SEC through a news media disclosure, the SEC has never enforced this right. This has resulted in numerous extremely important whistleblowers to be denied protection or compensation. In the context of foreign corruption, DOJ statistics inform that 20% of all Foreign Corrupt Practices Act (FCPA) cases (which are covered under Dodd-Frank) are based on news media disclosures. Based on these numbers, one in five whistleblowers who report foreign corruption are illegally denied compensation under current SEC rules. An audit by the Organization of Economic Cooperation and Development released data regarding how whistleblowers were being harmed by the SEC’s interpretation of the law, including the failure to protect whistleblowers who make initial reports to international regulatory or law enforcement agencies, even if these agencies work closely with the United States. The SEC can resolve these issues by issuing clarifying decisions and exemptions consistent with the plain meaning of the Dodd Frank law and Congress’ clear intent. President Biden must demand that his appointments to the SEC fully implement the anti-corruption Strategy his White House approved.
  • Stop Repeal by Delay. The Internal Revenue Service (IRS) and the SEC both fail to compensate whistleblowers in a timely manner. These delays, which the IRS admits average over 10-years, cause untold hardship to whistleblowers, many of whom have lost their jobs and careers, and their only hope for economic survival is the compensation promised under law. In response to these untenable and unjustifiable delays, Congress has introduced two laws to expedite paying legally required compensation to whistleblowers, the SEC Whistleblower Reform Act and S. 625, the IRS Whistleblower Reform Act. Both amendments have strong bipartisan support and should be/could be passed quickly. See https://www.grassley.senate.gov/news/news-releases/grassley-warren-reintroduce-bill-to-strengthen-sec-whistleblower-program and https://www.grassley.senate.gov/news/news-releases/grassley-wyden-wicker-cardin-introduce-bipartisan-bill-to-strengthen-irs-whistleblower-program.
  • Strengthen the False Claims Act. The False Claims Act (FCA) whistleblower qui tam provision has proven to be the most effective law ever passed protecting the government from greedy contractors, fraud in Medicare and Medicaid, and from criminal procurement practices. Over $70 billion has been recovered by the taxpayers directly from fraudsters, and countless billions has also been paid in criminal fines. Two bipartisan amendments to the FCA are languishing in Congress.  The first is designed to prevent federal contractors from colluding with government officials when trying to justify their frauds. The second permits the federal government to administratively sanction contractors in smaller cases, where prosecutors rarely file charges in court.  The Administrative False Claims Act, S. 659, has been unanimously passed by the Senate but is stalled in the House of Representatives. The False Claims Act Amendment targeting collusion has strong bipartisan support, but is awaiting votes in Congress.  See    https://www.grassley.senate.gov/news/news-releases/senators-introduce-bipartisan-legislation-to-close-loophole-in-fight-against-fraud    https://www.grassley.senate.gov/news/news-releases/bipartisan-fraud-fighting-bill-unanimously-passes-senate.
  • Pass the CFTC Fund Improvement Act. The whistleblower reward law covering violations of the Commodity Exchange Act has proven successful beyond the wildest dreams of Congress. Billions upon billions in sanctions has been recovered from fraudsters who have manipulated markets ripping off consumers across the globe. These unprecedented whistleblower-triggered prosecutions have created an unintended problem: there are inadequate funds available to compensate whistleblowers as required under law. It is unconscionable for Congress to pass a law mandating that whistleblowers obtain compensation when they risk their jobs, reputations, and even their lives to serve the public interest, but then refuse to allocate funding to pay the mandatory rewards. The CFTC Fund Improvement Act, S. 2500, which has strong bipartisan support, would fix this problem. It needs to be immediately passed. Congress must live up to its promises.  See  https://www.grassley.senate.gov/news/news-releases/grassley-nunn-and-hassan-lead-bipartisan-bicameral-effort-to-bolster-successful-whistleblower-program.
  • Demand that Federal Agencies Respect, Honor, and Compensate Whistleblowers. One of the most unacceptable and unjustifiable hardships facing whistleblowers is the continued resistance to protecting whistleblowers in numerous (most) federal agencies.  This is exemplified by the complete failure of agencies to use their discretionary powers to protect or compensate whistleblowers. The Department of Commerce/NOAA can reward whistleblowers who report illegal fishing or “IUU” fishing violations and crimes committed by large ocean fishing boats operated by countries like China. Yet they have repeatedly failed to implement their whistleblower laws. The same can be said of the Department of Interior/Fish and Wildlife Service which have ignored the Lacey and Endangered Species Acts’ strong whistleblower reward provisions, allowing billions in illegal international wildlife trafficking to fester. Likewise, the Coast Guard largely ignores the whistleblower provisions of the Act to Prevent Pollution from Ships, turning down numerous whistleblower tips and failing to conduct investigations. Worse still, is the Justice Department’s penchant for prosecuting whistleblowers – even those who report crimes voluntarily to the Department pursuant to whistleblower disclosure laws.  President Biden must take action and demand that all executive agencies use their discretionary authorities permitted under law to incentivize and protect whistleblowers consistent with the anti-corruption Strategy his administration has approved.

A first step in changing the anti-whistleblower culture that undermines the public interest within most federal agencies is for the President to enforce the National Whistleblower Appreciation Day resolution that has been unanimously passed by the U.S. Senate over the past ten years. The resolution urges every executive agency to acknowledge the contributions of whistleblowers and educate their workforce as to these contributions. See https://www.grassley.senate.gov/news/news-releases/ten-years-running-grassley-wyden-lead-whistleblower-appreciation-day-resolution (S. Res. 298).

The importance of President Biden’s requiring all federal agencies to institute to Senate resolution is clear, based on the text of the resolution asking that all agencies “inform[] employees, contractors working on behalf of the taxpayers of the United States, and members of the public about the legal right of a United States citizen to ‘blow the whistle’ to the appropriate authority by honest and good faith reporting of misconduct, fraud, misdemeanors, or other crimes; and acknowledging the contributions of whistleblowers to combating waste, fraud, abuse, and violations of laws and regulations of the United States.”

These seven reforms all have bipartisan support and/or can be immediately implemented through executive action. There is simply no justification for delaying the implementation of these minimum and absolutely necessary reforms.

But the buck does not stop at the top. Strong and vocal public support can push all of these bipartisan reforms across the finish line. The American people – across all demographics, stand behind whistleblowers. How do we know this? The highly respected Marist polling agency conducted a scientifically valid survey of “likely American voters.” Their findings speak for themselves:

  • 86% of Americans want stronger whistleblower protections
  • 44% of “likely voters” state that the position of candidates on this issue would impact their vote. 

Despite the divisions within American society the Marist Poll findings demonstrated that the American public is united in supporting whistleblowers:

  • 84% of people without a college education want stronger protection for whistleblowers
  • 89% of people with a college education want stronger protection for whistleblowers
  • 85% of people earning under $50,000 want stronger protection for whistleblowers
  • 89% of people earning over $50,000 want stronger protection for whistleblowers
  • 86% of people living in urban areas want stronger protection for whistleblowers
  • 83% of people living in rural areas want stronger protection for whistleblowers
  • 86% of women want stronger protection for whistleblowers
  • 87% of men want stronger protection for whistleblowers
  • 88 % of Independents want stronger protection for whistleblowers
  • 78 % of Republicans want stronger protection for whistleblowers
  • 94 % of Democrats want stronger protection for whistleblowers

The only thing holding back effective whistleblower laws in the United States is the lobbying power of special interests and powerful government officials’ hostility toward dissent. This must end. Whistleblowing has proven to be the most effective means to detect waste, fraud, abuse and threats to the public health and safety. The United States Strategy on Countering Corruption represents a roadmap for action. It’s time for the President, Congress and those running agencies such as the Department of Treasury and the SEC to get the job done.

Copyright Kohn, Kohn & Colapinto, LLP 2023. All Rights Reserved.

by: Stephen M. Kohn of Kohn, Kohn & Colapinto 

For more news on Current Whistleblower Laws, visit the NLR Criminal Law / Business Crimes section.

Legal News Reach Episode 7: Creating A Diverse, Equitable and Inclusive Work Environment

National Law Review Web Content Specialist Shelby Garrett closes out Legal News Reach Season 2 with an impactful minisode featuring Stacey Sublett Halliday, Principal and DEI Committee Chair with Beveridge & Diamond. Diversity, equity, and inclusion look different for every law firm, and smaller firms like B&D have to be even more resourceful in their approach to fostering dynamic work environments. How can firms use organizational partnerships to augment their internal DEI strategies?

We’ve included a transcript of the conversation below, transcribed by artificial intelligence. The transcript has been lightly edited for clarity and readability.

Shelby Garrett

Thank you for turning into the Legal News Reach podcast. My name is Shelby Garrett, Web Publication Specialist with the National Law Review, and this episode I’m super excited because I will be speaking to Stacey Halliday, an environmental justice attorney with leadership roles with the American Bar Association and the Environmental Law Institute. Hi, Stacey.

Stacey Halliday

Hi, Shelby, thank you so much. And thank you National Law Review for having me today.

Shelby Garrett

Of course! To kick things off, would you mind telling us a little bit about your background in legal and what led you to pursue a career in law?

Stacey Halliday

Sure. I’m a shareholder at Beverage & Diamond, and we’re an environmental law firm. I’m based out of Washington DC. As you mentioned, a large part of my practice involves counseling clients on environmental justice, identifying risks, opportunities, and helping them incorporate EJ in their work. And I also have a broader practice on ESG issues and product stewardship, so things like sustainability disclosures, ratings and rankings, green marketing compliance and circular economy, that sort of thing. I started the firm a million years ago, longer than I’d like to admit, and had the privilege of also spending two years in the middle of that as an Obama appointee at the US Environmental Protection Agency in the Office of General Counsel so…bounced around a little bit. It’s been a long journey, I sort of wandered into environmental law by happenstance, but it’s been an incredible journey so far.

Shelby Garrett

That’s awesome. We’re super excited to have you today, because we also worked previously on an article about the EPA. So this is perfect to actually get to see each other face to face and talk to each other. Today, we’re going to be talking about DEI initiatives. To start off with that, could you give us a basic definition for people who maybe aren’t familiar with it and tie us into how that relates to law firm operations?

Stacey Halliday

Yeah, absolutely. And I should mention, one of the other hats that I wear at the firm, besides a shareholder is also Chair of our Diversity, Equity and Inclusion committee. So that’s sort of my D E and I hat, I have been on the committee for the 10 years on and off that I’ve been at the firm. So for D E and I, in terms of definitions, it’s–I hate to give you the lawyer answer, but it’s an “it depends” kind of thing, right? So DEI efforts are defined in such a broad variety of ways and are very unique to each organization. So some folks call it DEI, some say DEIA to include accessibility, there’s variations on the theme. But at B&D, DEI is really focused on building and fostering an inclusive culture that allows everyone to be their authentic selves at work, removing obstacles that inhibit equal opportunities for all and promoting and supporting those from historically underrepresented groups outside of the traditional DEI bucket. So defined by race, ethnicity, sexual orientation, gender, identity, disability, or otherwise. So that’s sort of how we think about it at our firm. And I’d say the way that plays out is I as chair, and my deputies, and our committee work with the Management Committee of the firm, the Chief Talent Officer, the firmwide managing principal who oversees the management of the whole firm, and members of committee, we’re the largest committee at the firm, its attorneys and staff. And we work with developing internal and external policies and practices across the firm. We have a Working Parents Group, an Employee Engagement Committee focused on staff and a Women’s Initiative to develop more targeted programming, but that’s kind of how it’s structured across the operations of the firm.

Shelby Garrett

That’s awesome, and that’s great to hear some examples because like you said, it kind of is tailored to each firm and what the community of employees needs. So it sounds like it would be a really large undertaking, because it has to be pretty authentic and genuine with straightforward conversations that might be a little bit harder, with some self-reflection. What is a good place for companies to start out? What is step one?

Stacey Halliday

Step one, really, in my perspective is, tone from the top is a really big I think, ground floor for a lot of this. I came from an HBCU, I went to Howard University School of Law, very proud graduate. And after my clerkship, I met Ben Wilson, who was the Managing Partner of Beverage & Diamond. And Ben is legendary. He’s just a staunch and uncompromising advocate for diversity and for supporting attorneys of color. And he’s the reason I went to Beverage & Diamond because I saw so significant leadership of the firm, he is an individual, but across the firm from his leadership had embraced and embedded diversity as a priority in addition to doing excellent work for our clients. So that I think has continued. He retired, I think it was within the last year, which is very hard as somebody who worked very closely with him. But we’ve really seen the firm continue to demonstrate that absolute commitment, and you see it in the numbers. In our firm about 36% of our shareholders are women, 50% of our Managment Committee are women or minorities, we continue to get very positive accolades for our DEI work even after so I think we see that commitment from the top and that helps all of us understand, incorporate remember that DEI is something important every day.

Shelby Garrett

Absolutely, that’s a really great point, and very nice to hear how you got involved with the firm. When a firm is looking to measure their success, are there any indicators– I imagine it probably depends on what exactly they’re tasked with or what their initiative is. But is there anything that overall could help measure that success?

Stacey Halliday

Yeah, it’s it’s funny, coming into this with a DEI hat but also doing ESG work, I think a lot about metrics and how do you set targets and measure your progress and hold yourself accountable. And because we’re so small, we’re fewer than 150 lawyers or so, we partner a lot. And that’s we use third party groups that are really specialize in this work and specialize in best practices for law firms to measure our progress and hold ourselves accountable. And a leading example of that is our participation in the Mansfield program. So the Mansfield certification program–I see you nodding Shelby, so that’s something you’ve heard of before. It’s based on the Rooney rule for the uninitiated, so the–I know nothing about football, but I have heard it’s based on the football Rooney rule, and that requires consideration of candidates from historically underrepresented groups for certain leadership roles. So we’re Mansfield 5.0 Certified, Mansfield Plus, and that means that not only do we consider certain underrepresented groups for at least 30% of all significant leadership roles, lateral recruiting and business development opportunities, for the Plus certification, we exceeded that requirement by actually achieving 30% or more representation. So that’s been a program we’ve been involved in at least the last four or five years, and the requirements continue to elevate every year. So it’s really an incredible way to not only track our progress, but also keep ourselves challenged because the goalposts continue to move to keep us challenged and leaning forward into this kind of work.

Shelby Garrett

That is really awesome. Yeah, when I was preparing for this, I was looking at the Mansfield website, I think it’s run by Diversity Lab maybe? So I was looking through all of their documentation on their website so that’s awesome. While we’re talking about Beverage & Diamond specifically, I know you mentioned the tone from the beginning was very inclusive. Is there any additional training or education that is provided to employees, whatever you’re comfortable talking about, specific to the firm?

Stacey Halliday

Yeah, of course. I think we have a number of different programs, we have the committee and we have an annual survey across the firm that helps us understand where there might be need or interest in getting additional training and support in this space. So from an internal perspective, that’s something that’s more dynamic and focused on our particular firm and its community. So that could be anything from implicit bias training, to learning about more accessibility issues, or neurodiversity or something like that. So that’s something that we develop, and work as committee to build over the course of the year. But I think again, partnerships are a really big part of how we support our community in getting the best practices and cutting edge work in the space and support for each of our individual community members. So we partner with groups like LCLD, the Leadership Council on Legal Diversity, which is just unbelievable. The program is amazing. So we have Fellows, Pathfinders, and we have Summer 1Ls that are part of this LCLD partnership, and the Fellows and Pathfinder program supports individuals in either mid-career or senior level or entry level attorneys with things like professional development programs, leadership training, relationship building opportunities, and that’s for attorneys from historically underrepresented groups. So it’s really amazing, I haven’t actually I haven’t done it, but a lot of my close colleagues and friends have done it and they talk about the relationships they’ve built, the support they’ve gotten, in addition to what they get internally at the firm being just invaluable and a great resource. So that’s something that’s a good example of the kind of things that we do plus our internal training to really support those in our community.

Shelby Garrett

Sorry, I think I missed it. Was that a third-party group?

Stacey Halliday

Yeah, it’s unbelievable. It’s like there’s a couple of different programs like this and MCCA, Minority Corporate Counsel Association, and there’s–the acronyms, its an alphabet soup–CCWC Corporate Counsel Women of Color. There’s a couple of different programs like this that focus on different historically underrepresented attorney groups and communities. But LCLD is something where we’ve had a really in-depth relationship and pipeline coordination. So the 1L program through LCLD, we have a 1L Summer Associate. So usually they’re 2Ls, you’re a second-year law student when you come to summer at a law firm and then hopefully you get an offer afterwards for a job. But we have a 1L come in through the LCLD program from a historically underrepresented group. And it’s a great way to build a pipeline for talent in our community organization, especially in the environmental law space where diversity is a challenge.

Shelby Garrett

Absolutely. That is amazing. One of the things I think you mentioned towards the beginning was a program for working moms. Do you mind explaining a little bit more about that, is that like a third-party?

Stacey Halliday

It’s actually internal. We created a Working Parents Group, we had a Women’s Committee initially, and the Women’s Committee was dealing with a lot of coming together to talk about all of the challenges that women inherently face. But we were also finding that we had a lot of men who are parents, as well, who were kind of, you know, still tackling a lot of these challenging issues, especially coming into the pandemic, when we’re all working remotely. And I have two young kids under three… it’s a challenge, it’s a journey. And actually having that community to talk about what kind of resources we might need, how we might support one another, how we can share best practices and lessons learned, and just support each other in the work environment, which is inherently stressful in a law firm. But if we’re all being understanding and know more about what we’re facing, we can all kind of tackle it together. So the working parents group was an outgrowth, I think of the pandemic and of having a community of young parents, and of more veteran parents who could all sort of share these lessons learned and worked together on solutions.

Shelby Garrett

That is awesome to hear both the internal kind of programs and then also the third-party kind of programs. How does the firm’s DEI work align with its overall business strategy and its goals? I know we just talked about the 1Ls and having them have that exposure and the opportunity to network and really get involved early, but looking more broadly at overall business strategy and goals.

Stacey Halliday

I think it’s such an interesting time in this space, because where there might have been more skepticism, especially at a law firm where your time is billed in six minute increments, to dedicating time and resources to DEI, now we’re seeing some pressure from clients, some external pressure, that really sends home the business case for the importance of diversity and for supporting DEI from a retention perspective. And I think Beverage & Diamond is unique in that we’ve always embraced DEI as one of our core principles that are important to the firm. But were there any naysayers, it’s now you know, we’re really seeing that clients are bringing down the hammer. They’re asking for more transparency. We have dense, pages long surveys asking us to disclose information about our diversity performance, and how many people from historically underrepresented groups are on our pitch teams, how many folks are actually billing time, are they getting considered for promotion, like they, they want to know that level of detail. And if they don’t see it, there’s either a penalty in terms of fees or you don’t get the work. And I think that is something that has shifted, in concrete ways, the industry. You’re seeing a huge proliferation of Chief Diversity Officers, So C-suite level leadership and management in law firms that actually looks at this topic the way it is, a sophisticated practice, that’s on top of legal practice. So I think the business case is now kind of firmly being established across the industry more so than it has in the past. Just a really interesting trend.

Shelby Garrett

That is really interesting. When I was like reading different articles to prepare for this, I hadn’t heard of that. So that’s really great to hear that there’s some external pressure and investment in this bigger priority. You were talking kind of a little bit about, you know, billing hours. So building these DEI initiatives require some resources and support. What kind of resources and support can a firm offer to employees who might be affected by these issues? I know kind of just like, taking the time for the Working Parent Group. But what resources really go into that?

Stacey Halliday

I think for us, again, we’re fairly small. So you know, where you have these huge multinational global firms that have hundreds of 1000s of people who would be part of an affinity group or any type of program that’s associated with different subpopulations of a diverse community, we’ve got like five. So it’s not necessarily the same sort of thing in terms of the scale of the programs, which is why we end up doing more partnerships so that, you know, the Diversity and Flexibility Alliance might have a program or something like that, or we’ll say, “Hey, if you’re interested in doing this training, or engaging this community more aggressively, we absolutely support you, as an individual, doing that kind of work, because we don’t have the infrastructure necessarily to do it.” But some larger firms and companies do things like backup childcare, something like that, like, I think Bright Horizons or something like that, you know, you can go and, if your school’s closed, or if your kids sick, you can find some way to get some coverage so that you can still go to work. There’s all kinds of flexible leave policies and that sort of thing that really does help in terms of giving people the space that they need, still thinking from  the parent context. Affinity groups are something that we have decided to date not to really form more broadly, just because again, the numbers aren’t there. But for us our partnerships are the way that we do it. But a lot of other large organizations do things like affinity groups that have more of a build-out in terms of permanent programs throughout the year. So in terms of brass tacks for us, we have the committee, with its mix of associates and staff members, and we have a budget every year to support those external engagements and partnerships and certification programs and that sort of thing. But it really does run the gamut, I think, especially at larger shops, where they have more numbers to really build out more infrastructure and training programs and curricula and support benefits, like childcare.

I worked at a law firm before I went to law school, and it was a much larger law firm. And I think historically, there’s been a really strong divide between attorneys and staff at a lot of law firms, which I think can be problematic and unnecessary. It inhibits, I think, community and diversity in a lot of different ways. But B&D has been fantastic. Our DEI committee is fully integrated with staff and attorneys. And we have some pretty significant empowerment and promotion of non-lawyers at the firm in this space to try and get a better perspective on our community. We’re basically half non-lawyers. So it’s really important to make sure that we’re not only capturing the voices of those members of our community through the committee, but also investing in the non-lawyers. And so we have a couple of professional development programs and we encourage external training in the same way that we support our attorneys. So it’s, I think, something that gets lost a lot in the conversation for law firms, because they’re so focused on the folks who are billing, but it’s a much bigger biosphere, for the law firm to be successful. It’s a lot more to it than just the legal work. So I think it’s really been important to make sure those voices are captured, the broader diversity of the firm is captured through thinking about your staff, and not just your attorneys.

Shelby Garrett

That is an amazing point I had not even considered, there’s an additional kind of hierarchy of opinions being taken into account. That’s really interesting. As we start to come to a close, are there any final thoughts you wanted to share?

Stacey Halliday

I’m so grateful to the National Law Review, specifically to you, Shelby, for bringing this conversation to bear. And I think it’s really important for our community to really think about effective practices here so that we generate and support more diverse communities so that we have more diversity of thought, as well as other types of diversity in the way that we solve problems and do our work. And I’m happy that we had a chance to have this chat and celebrate the work that’s being done in the space.

Shelby Garrett

Yeah, that’s really great. I am very grateful that you joined us today, I appreciate you taking the time to really walk through all of this because it is pretty unfamiliar to me. So it’s really great to get the basic understanding of where firms can start if they haven’t started yet, and some inspiration of where they can go. So I really do appreciate that. And thank you so much for joining us today. For listeners who are interested in finding you and maybe some of your thought leadership in the environmental justice area, where can they look for you?

Stacey Halliday

Thank you for the plug, I will absolutely take it! bdlaw.com. So please check out B&D’s site, the Environmental Justice Practice Group has its own site. And we also have a podcast, another shameless plug for our joint podcast with the Environmental Law Institute called Ground Truth. That will be kicking back up in 2023, but we bring on folks and have some deep thoughts on EJ and what’s ahead and what’s coming down the pike. So hopefully check us out there as well.

Shelby Garrett

Fantastic. Thank you so much. Again, we really appreciate your time, and we will be back in a couple of weeks for a new episode of Legal News Reach.

Conclusion

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When Corporate Legal Teams Break

Forward-thinking organizations that refocus their legal teams on the removal of systemic friction and value creation can better detect and forecast risk; however, organizations that have not modernized their legal teams often miss subtleties masking surprisingly deep areas of risk. Recent history shows nothing is too big to fail, but earlier risk detection may have helped avoid some of the most catastrophic losses.

The most recent and notable industry-wide example, of course, was the financial services industry, which triggered the Great Recession from 2007 to 2009.

In the world’s most infamous accounting scandal, Enron imploded in 2001, wiping out $74bn of shareholder funds and the pensions and jobs of thousands of employees. Enron’s auditor also collapsed. The organizations were interconnected and dependent systems. One fell, the other followed. Undetected risk festered and worsened, and the interconnectedness of these organizations and systems created a complex network that made detecting risk more difficult.

As modern society demands more capable systems, they become more interconnected and complex by necessity. As Meltdown: Why Our Systems Fail and What We Can Do About It posits, this staggering complexity means that tiny mistakes or simple accidents can lead to devastating catastrophes that often go undetected. The reasons for failure can stem from very different problems, but the underlying causes are similar.

In accounting scandals with nefarious actors, huge debts are obscured and once revealed, lead to corporate failure. In legal departments with good actors – led by a noble General Counsel (GC) who serves as the defender of the enterprise – business risks are obscured and once revealed, can lead to devastating consequences: bet-the-company litigation, core intellectual property battles, merger & acquisition failure, and crippling regulatory fines, to name a few.

Embracing digital helps identify and expose risk, but organizations set the stage for failure when legal, or other critical functions, don’t keep up, fail to embrace the digital evolution, become disconnected, and lack or lose visibility. Those organizations make decisions without a clear view of the legal implications, and they might not even know it because, for now, they operate with blind trust of the Office of the GC.

Corporations in all industries are “going digital” to remain competitive amidst technological disruption. This focus on digital starts with core products and service offerings, and then is pushed throughout the business to align company to product. The result? Faster moving businesses with a wave of demand pummelling the legal department…if not yet, then soon as digital initiatives across the business mature.

Most corporate legal departments simply do not have the systems required to keep up — providing consistent regulatory counsel, detecting and preventing impending litigation, or simply knowing who is doing what in the legal organization is already a challenge Risk is obscured. A “break” like we’ve never experienced is primed.

If we examine the ecosystem, the warning signs are there.

Catching up to other corporate functions

As demands on legal teams continue to grow and CFOs ask GCs to do more with less, quality suffers amid rising law firm rates and unchecked complexity. Corners get cut. Risks emerge while their likelihood to go undetected rises. Of course, when adding headcount is not an option, revamping processes and technology is often the answer.

In finance, accounting, information technology, and human resource departments, among others, advances in technology have enabled self-service, helped control costs, made it easier to compare costs, and increased quality choices. These corporate functions have embraced systems-level restructuring with artificial intelligence (AI), data analytics, cloud computing and “Big Data” to modernize working practices and improve performance.

In their often siloed and conservative world, most GCs and corporate legal departments, on the other hand, make crucial decisions guided as much by gut instinct as by data and industry benchmarks. For decades, they have resisted change or lacked sufficient resources to enable change in technology, working practices, and corporate culture. Now, with the real-time requirement for speed, scale, and transparency — that era is over.

To retain and increase influence, improve their performance and trim costs as recessionary fears grow, GCs would be wise to more fully modernize their legal departments quickly through an open, digitally-savvy, and collaborative working culture.

Collaborate and listen

Building a data-driven, digital, secure and scalable legal system is an ethical and commercial imperative for GCs. Technology is part of the solution but not the place to start.

To more proactively expose, manage and mitigate risk, executives and their boards need GCs to emphasize the imperative for a more analytical, data-based and efficient approach to corporate legal practice with concrete examples to punctuate the “Why.”

You could start with three actions.

  1. Educate yourself and your colleagues about trends in legal digitization, performance improvement and new working practices. A comprehensive source of information is the Digital Legal Exchange, a global institute of leading thinkers from academia, business, government, technology and law.
  2. Become Modern. Be the change. Lead the change. Make tough decisions about your top leaders and whether they are capable of a data and digital-first mindset and way of working. Change leadership is the prime point of failure for legal modernization efforts.
  3. Be ambitious in the scope of your reforms. Small, pilot projects (ie, e-signature or automated NDAs) won’t make much of an impact and won’t convince your board of the need for bold legal change.

Modernizing the legal system and companies’ legal departments can improve affordability and performance for clients, lawyers, company boards, and shareholders.

Absent modern means of detection, legal risk can proliferate unknown and unseen only to all too often reveal triggers of impending corporate failure when it’s already too late.

Article By Anusia Gillespie of UnitedLex

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© 2022 UnitedLex, All Rights Reserved

What Public Comments on the SEC’s Proposed Climate-Related Rules Reveal—and the Impact They May Have on the Proposed Rules

On March 21, 2022, the Securities and Exchange Commission (“SEC”) published for comment its much-anticipated proposed rules on climate disclosures, entitled “The Enhancement and Standardization of Climate-Related Disclosures for Investors.”[1]  The SEC invited public comments on these rules, and the response was overwhelming—nearly 15,000 comments were published on the SEC’s website over the course of three months, from individuals and organizations representing all aspects of modern American society.  Few, if any, of the SEC’s rule proposals have ever received such voluminous, significant, and diverse comments.  And the comments themselves range from brief statements to complex legal arguments either in support or in opposition, as well as detailed proposals for further changes to the proposed climate disclosures.  The comment period closed on June 17, 2022, and further action by the SEC to finalize the proposed rule is anticipated this fall.

This article provides a brief summary of the comments, and analyzes and summaries the key points the comments conveyed.

Statistical Analysis of Form and Individualized Submissions

Since the beginning of the public comment period, the SEC has received 14,645 comments on the proposed climate disclosure rules.[2]  To provide some context for how massive that figure is, the SEC has only received 144 comments on its proposed cybersecurity risk management rules, which were announced two weeks before the proposed climate disclosures and have also been the subject of extensive commentary in the press.  Yet despite the prominence of the SEC’s cybersecurity proposal, it has received fewer than 1% of the comments offered on the climate disclosure rule.

Of the 14,645 comments, approximately 12,304, or 84% of the total, are form letters.  This includes 10,589 comments that the SEC itself identified as form letters, and another 1,715 apparently individualized comments that were actually form letters.  However, even when removing these form letters from consideration, fully 2,341 individualized comment letters remain—a substantial number, and a significant percentage (16%) of the volume.[3]

The form letters are worth exploring in more detail.  Of the 12,304 comments, fully 10,861 (88%) broadly express support for the proposed climate disclosure rule, and only 1,443 (12%) are in opposition.  This disparity in the level of support for the two positions is best conveyed by the chart below.

Positions for and against the new SEC Disclosures

Notably, it has been possible to identify some, although not all, of the organizations that sponsored the form letter writing campaign.  In particular, form letters proposed by the Union of Concerned Scientists in support of the proposed climate disclosures were submitted 6886 times—more than 55% of the total volume of form letters.  Additionally, the form letters proposed by the Climate Action Campaign and the National Wildlife Federation in support of the SEC’s proposed disclosures were also quite voluminous among the submissions—1208 and 956 comment letters, respectively.  The most frequent form letters submitted in opposition to the proposed climate disclosure rules—e.g., those proposed by FreedomWorks (348 letters) and the Club for Growth (172 letters)—did not achieve nearly the same volume of submissions.

But the apparent overwhelming majority in favor of the proposed SEC climate disclosure rules, as conveyed by the form letters, is belied by the individualized submissions, which were far more closely divided.  Of the 2341 individualized comment letters submitted, approximately 53% (1238 comment letters) expressed support, about 43% (1015 comment letters) were opposed, and a handful—around 4% (88 comment letters)[4]—did not express a position.  The below chart demonstrates the levels of support expressed by the individualized submissions:

Individual submissions supporting, opposing, and neutral to the new SEC Disclosures

Besides the mere volume of submissions, however, the most noteworthy aspect of the individualized submissions are the substantive arguments—both factual and legal—that these comment letters articulate, whether in support or opposition to the proposed rules, as well as the identity of those making these submissions.

Arguments in Support of the Proposed SEC Climate Disclosure Rules

The organizations and individuals that chose to offer support for the SEC’s proposed climate disclosures represent a wide swathe of society.  Broadly speaking, these proposed climate disclosures attracted support from, among others: Democratic politicians, civil society organizations (such as environmental NGOs), individual corporations, professional services organizations, and academics. While the rationales offered by these different groups varied considerably, in part due to their varying perspectives (e.g., environmental NGOs were more concerned with the impact on the transition to a clean-energy environment, while corporations often focused on the consequences of particular aspects of the rules), the individualized comments in support of the proposed disclosures nonetheless shared some common features.

Specifically, there are a number of common arguments that are frequently featured among the 1239 individualized submissions in support of the SEC’s proposed climate disclosures.  Six arguments appear in over 10% of the submissions.  In order of prevalence, these are:

  1. Environmental Protection (347 submissions, 28%): that the proposed rules will help protect the environment
  2. Investor Choice (280 submissions, 23%): that the proposed rules will enable investors to make more informed choices
  3. Investor Protection (263 submissions, 21%): that the proposed rules will enable investors to protect themselves and their investments from climate-related risk
  4. Standardization of Climate Disclosures (259 submissions, 21%): that the proposed rules will enable the standardization of climate disclosures, making data comparable
  5. Increased Transparency (171 submissions, 14%): that the proposed rules will increase transparency and hold companies accountable for their emissions
  6. Alignment with International and Foreign Regulatory Frameworks (169 submissions, 14%): that the proposed rules will bring the United States into alignment with both international frameworks and other countries (e.g., the EU)

No other argument appeared in more than 6% of the individualized submissions in support of the SEC’s proposed climate disclosures.

Notably, the most common arguments in favor of the proposed climate disclosures share a common feature: these are all policy arguments, focusing on the benefits to investors and the broader economy from the adoption of the SEC’s proposed disclosures.  Only a single argument among the top ten most frequent arguments in support was a legal argument—namely that the proposed rules fall within the SEC’s statutory authority—and that argument appeared in only around 3% of the submissions (41 submissions).[5]  This focus on policy benefits among supporters of the SEC’s proposed climate disclosures is unsurprising, as these public policy rationales were a key factor in encouraging the Biden Administration to pursue this regulatory agenda.  However, the reluctance to engage with critics of the proposed climate disclosures on a legal basis may signal the difficulties that the SEC’s proposed climate disclosures may encounter in future court challenges.

Arguments in Opposition to the Proposed SEC Climate Disclosure Rules

Those entities and individuals that submitted individualized comment letters opposing the SEC’s proposed climate disclosures also represent a broad range of American society, albeit with a somewhat different focus.  Generally, individualized letters in opposition to the SEC’s proposed climate disclosures tended to be submitted by, among others: Republican politicians, individual corporations, trade industry groups, and NGOs. (Unsurprisingly, the fossil fuel industry and extractive industries were particularly well-represented among the commenters.)  These individualized submissions—frequently lengthy and extensively analyzing the SEC’s regulatory practices and authority—shared a number of common themes.

In particular, there are a number of common arguments that featured frequently among the 1014 individualized submissions to the SEC in opposition to these proposed climate disclosures.  Three (3) arguments appeared in more than ten (10) percent of these submissions:

  1. Ultra vires (322 submissions, 32% ): that the SEC lacks the ability to issue these disclosures as the proposed rule is beyond the scope of the SEC’s legal authority
  2. Compliance Costs (218 submissions, 21% ): that compliance with the proposed rule will impose unreasonable and extensive costs on businesses
  3. Climate Science Skepticism (123 submissions, 12%): that the science concerning climate change is unsettled and therefore the proposed rule is inappropriate

Although no other common argument appeared in more than 7% of the individualized letters in opposition, it should still be noted that there were a large number of letters that objected to the increased burdens placed on particular types of businesses, whether farmers (53 submissions, 5%), fossil fuel companies (49 submissions, 5%), or small businesses (36 submissions, 4%).

Overall, it is striking that around a third of the comments submitted in opposition stated that the SEC had acted beyond its authority (ultra vires) in proposing this new rule.  While this critique is hardly novel—it has been a frequent refrain of the Republican SEC Commissioners ever since this topic was first broached—the prevalence of this argument among the individualized comments suggests that both the public and sophisticated market actors perceive this issue as a key vulnerability in the SEC’s proposal, and that this legal argument will likely be emphasized in the inevitable legal challenge to this SEC rule.  And, based on recent decisions by the Supreme Court, it is altogether likely that this line of attack may find a sympathetic audience in the courts.

Potential Changes to the SEC Climate Disclosure Rules Resulting from Public Comments

Despite the differences between the advocates and opponents of the SEC’s proposed climate disclosures, both sides submitted proposals to the SEC to change or adjust the proposed rules.  Although there was often substantial disagreement about the content of these proposed changes, there were also significant areas of convergence.

Some of the changes to the SEC’s proposed climate disclosures frequently submitted by supporters of the rule included:

  1. ISSB: that the SEC should further align its proposal with the ISSB and help create a global standard (76 comments);
  2. Extended Phase-In Period: to extend the phase-in period for these new disclosure requirements (72 comments);
  3. Alignment with International and Foreign Standards: that the SEC should further align its proposal with international and foreign standards, such as the EU or TCFD (66 comments);
  4. Enhance Scope 3 GHG Emissions: to eliminate exemptions so that all companies must disclose Scope 3 GHG emissions (55 comments);
  5. Principles-Based Approach to Materiality: to adopt a principles-based approach to materiality rather than bright-line rules (53) comments;
  6. Remove Scope 3 GHG Emissions: to remove the requirement that Scope 3 GHG emissions be disclosed (36 comments);
  7. Furnish, Not File: that the disclosures be provided in a document that is “furnished” to the SEC, rather than filed (which impacts potential liability) (26 comments).

Although certain proposed changes by proponents of the SEC’s proposed climate disclosure rule are undeniably expected (e.g., removing exemptions for disclosure of Scope 3 GHG emissions), there are others that seem somewhat surprising on initial review (e.g., extending the phase-in period or removing Scope 3 GHG emissions entirely).  This can most easily be explained by the fact that supporters of the SEC’s proposed rule include corporations and other business interests, which will resist certain burdensome regulations even if generally offering support for the overall thrust of the proposal.  There are also academics and others who continue to express skepticism concerning the utility of disclosing Scope 3 emissions, or even whether it can be adequately measured.

It should be emphasized that these changes proffered by supporters of the SEC’s proposed rule, many of which are designed to render the proposed rule less onerous, may indicate that the support for the proposed rule—or at least the most stringent aspects of it—is relatively weak (or at least among the corporate interests nominally aligned with the SEC).

The most frequent changes suggested by opponents of the rule included:

  1. Remove Scope 3 GHG Emissions: to remove the requirement that Scope 3 GHG emissions be disclosed (69 comments);
  2. Principles-Based Approach to Materiality: to adopt a principles-based approach to materiality rather than bright-line rules (35 comments);
  3. Extended Phase-In Period: to extend the phase-in period for these new disclosure requirements (25 comments);
  4. Furnish, Not File: that the disclosures be provided in a document that is “furnished” to the SEC, rather than filed (which impacts potential liability) (18 comments).

These proposed changes (and others) advanced by opponents of the SEC’s proposed rule are generally designed to make the rules less stringent and also to reduce costs and potential legal liability.

As can be seen by comparing the above lists, there are certain areas where suggested changes to the proposed rule converged.  In particular, there are issues where both opponents of the SEC’s proposed rule and some of its supporters would try to render it less intrusive or impactful, particularly with respect to the elimination of the requirement to report Scope 3 GHG emissions and to extend the phase-in period further.  (Although, as noted, this apparent convergence between opponents and supporters of the SEC’s proposed rule may be due to divergent interests among the supporters of the SEC’s proposed rule with respect to its implementation.)

But, regardless of the specific content of the particular proposed changes, what is undoubtedly significant is that these proposed changes have highlighted the aspects of the SEC’s proposed climate disclosure rule that are likely most sensitive to regulated corporations.  Such an insight reveals not only the areas where active lobbying is most likely to take place, but also previews probable priorities for corporate compliance departments.  In effect, focusing on the aspects of the proposed rule where changes were proposed is a means to identify the key issues from the perspective of the regulated entities and the public at large.

Conclusion

The level of engagement with the SEC’s proposed climate disclosures, as demonstrated by the number and detail of the public comments offered, is extraordinary. This degree of attention indicates the significant impact that is expect to result from the ultimate promulgation of these rules (or a revised version thereof).

Of course, the key question here is what changes, if any, are likely to be made to the SEC’s proposed rule based upon the public comments submitted to the SEC.  In this context, it is noteworthy that a handful of key issues have been identified by both proponents and opponents of the proposed disclosures as especially ripe for potential revision.  As noted above, these include, among others, the length of the phase-in period and the disclosure of Scope 3 GHG emissions.  If any changes are to be made to the SEC’s proposed climate disclosure rule, it is likely that such changes will be related to these issues.

However, given the relative lack of forward momentum with respect to other aspects of the Biden Administration’s climate agenda, there may well be political pressure not to weaken or otherwise rollback the SEC’s proposed rule, as this is one of the few areas where significant—and publicly-recognized—progress has been made with regulations designed to address the issue of climate change.  Further, the Biden Administration’s SEC has certainly recognized the inevitability of a legal challenge to these proposed climate disclosures, and, since no degree of alteration would suffice to preempt such a lawsuit, the SEC may conclude that it is better to seek to implement all aspects of the proposed regulation for the political benefit that can be achieved in the short term, since the substantive aspects of the proposed disclosure may not ultimately survive judicial scrutiny.  The SEC may also prefer to send a strong signal to the market by maintaining its original proposed rule.  Recognizing these pressures, it seems unlikely that the public comments submitted to the SEC will have a significant impact on the final rule promulgated in the coming months—and improbable that the SEC will make the proposed disclosures less robust.

FOO​TNOTES

[1] These proposed rules are discussed more fully in our prior publication:  https://www.mintz.com/insights-center/viewpoints/2451/2022-03-30-brief-summary-secs-proposed-climate-related-rules

[2] Although the total number of comments, when including both form letters and individualized letters, is 14,739, there are 94 comment letters on the SEC website that are duplicates, and have thus been removed from the calculation.

[3] For comparison, the proposed SEC rule on disclosing compensation ratios drew about 300,000 form letters and around 1500 individualized comment letters.  In this case, the individualized comment letters represented only about 0.5% of the total volume.  https://www.sec.gov/comments/s7-07-13/s70713.shtml

[4] The eighty-eight comment letters that did not adopt an express position on the proposed climate disclosure rules instead conveyed a number of different points, including proposing narrow changes to the proposed rule without taking a stance on the rule as a whole, or offering further context for the SEC’s actions (e.g., comparing the SEC to other regulators, whether domestic or international).  This category also includes a number of early comments that simply requested that the SEC extend the deadline for submitting comments.

[5] There are public comments in support of the proposed rule that focus on the legal issues.  In particular, the submission of Prof. John Coates of Harvard Law School, a former SEC official, is devoted exclusively to defending the legal authority of the SEC to issue the proposed climate disclosure rule. https://www.sec.gov/comments/s7-10-22/s71022-20130026-296547.pdf

Article By Jacob H. Hupart, Megan N. Gates, William F. Weld, Douglas P. Baumstein, Jennifer B. Rubin, and Courtney O. Taylor of Mintz. Luke Haubenstock also contributed to this article.

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Nonbinary Pronoun Usage in the Workplace: What Employers Are Doing to Promote Inclusivity

Using the correct pronouns and honorifics in the workplace has become an increasingly important part of maintaining an inclusive workplace. At the same time, the sensitive nature of this trend and the many variations of pronouns and honorifics in use may leave employers confused as to how to accomplish that goal. Moreover, employers may be concerned with how to comply with employees’ requests in an ever-evolving space and with the increasing use of nonbinary pronouns.

Nonbinary Pronouns and Honorifics

Individuals have traditionally identified with binary sets of pronouns based on male and female gender expressions (i.e. he/him/his and she/her/hers). Increasingly, many individuals are expressing that they do not identify as either a “man” or “woman.” An estimated 11 percent of individuals who identity as LGBTQ in the United States (i.e., approximately 1.2 million people), identity as nonbinary, according to a recent study. The vast majority (76 percent) are between the ages of 18 and 29, the study found.

It is increasingly common for these individuals to go by gender-neutral, nonbinary pronouns, including they/them/theirs. Many others go by other nonbinary pronouns, such as ze (or zie)/zir/zirs; ne/nir/nirs; xe/xem/xir; and ve/ver/vis, or a growing set of nonbinary pronouns that are resurfacing or newly appearing within the U.S. vernacular. Similarly, honorifics, such as Mr., Miss, Mrs., Ms., Sir, and Madame reflect a binary gender view leading some individuals to go by “Mx.,” “Fren,” or another gender-neutral honorific.

The issue has particular significance for employers since the June 2020 decision by the Supreme Court of the United States in Bostock v. Clayton County, Georgia, which found that discrimination against gay and transgender individuals is a form of sex discrimination under Title VII of the Civil Rights Act of 1964. The high court reasoned that an adverse action against an individual because the individual is gay or transgender is a form of discrimination based on sex “because it is impossible to discriminate against a person for being homosexual or transgender without discriminating against that individual based on sex.” However, the Court left open several questions on how the ruling applies to sex-segregated restrooms, dress codes, grooming standards, and pronouns.

Following the decision, the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission (EEOC) issued new guidance on June 15, 2021, taking the position that “intentionally and repeatedly using the wrong name and pronouns to refer to a transgender employee could contribute to an unlawful hostile work environment” in violation of Title VII. This suggests there could be potential liability for employers who refuse to use a nonbinary employee’s correct pronouns. Further, while Title VII does not cover every employee in the United States, many state and local laws, such as California’s Fair Employment and Housing Council’s regulations and the New York City Human Rights Law (NYCHRL), provide similar or greater protection from gender identity discrimination.

Best Practices

It is increasingly becoming a commonplace practice for companies to permit employees to include their pronouns in their email signatures or on their social media profiles. This trend might just be the start. In light of the evolving movements in these areas, some employers may be struggling with how to support nonbinary individuals in their workplaces.

Safe Spaces

Some employers will take the stance that it is important to provide safe spaces for employees to identify their pronouns without pressure or the worry of retaliation in order to maintain an inclusive environment. Employers may further want to consider additional training for supervisors and other employees on how to handle everyday interactions regarding pronoun use. For example, employers may want to encourage employees to be comfortable with apologizing and correcting themselves if the wrong pronoun is used. This may be an especially important subject if an employee had started at the company using one set of pronouns and later realizes a different gender identity during the course of employment. A diversity, equity, and inclusion (DEI) committee or diversity liaisons can guide employers in facilitating these conversations.

Privacy Concerns

At the same time, employers are faced with the tension of ensuring respect for each individual’s privacy. In this regard, employers may want to be conscious that individuals generally will not want to be into a situation in which they must choose between using a nonbinary pronoun or facing inappropriate questions about their choice from management or co-workers. It may be necessary to keep pronoun sharing optional and to encourage employees to default to gender-neutral language where possible.

Gender-Neutral Corporate Communications and Record-Keeping

The Biden Administration, in March 2022, announced a series of federal government policy changes to allow U.S. citizens to identify as nonbinary, including allowing U.S. citizens to select an “X” gender marker on their U.S. passport applications. In accordance, the EEOC also announced that it would provide the option to use a nonbinary gender marker in the filing of a charge of discrimination. Several states have further allowed the use of a gender-neutral marker on state identity documents, including drivers’ licenses. Given these developments, employers may also want to consider using gender-neutral language in communications and updating their human resources demographic record-keeping procedures to allow for employees to be identified as nonbinary or with a gender-neutral marker.

Key Takeaways

The Bostock decisions and the proliferation of state and local anti-discrimination laws may require that employers make efforts to allow employees to share and be addressed by nonbinary pronouns. This could be critical in employer recruiting and retention with younger generations entering the workplace that are increasingly comfortable with expressing their nonbinary gender. Also, it is clear that accurate or appropriate pronouns and honorifics will continue to change. Employers may want to remain ready to adjust in this rapidly evolving space in order to provide inclusive environments and keep workplaces free of harassment and discrimination.

Companies seeking to create more inclusive workplaces for nonbinary individuals can find further information and guidance from a number of organizations that provide educational resources and technical assistance.

Article By Kelly S. Hughes, Alan J. Brozovich, and Zachary V. Zagger of Ogletree, Deakins, Nash, Smoak & Stewart, P.C.

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