Trump Administration Tariffs: Considerations for U.S. and Global Companies

Donald Trump’s reelection as president of the United States raises considerations for both U.S. and non-U.S. companies importing goods into the country. Specifically, given Trump’s plan to impose “universal baseline tariffs on most foreign products” to “reward[] domestic production while taxing foreign companies,” what tariffs will be imposed, and what can importers do to protect themselves from the increased financial burden tariffs create? After Trump takes office on Jan. 20, 2025, supply chains most likely will be more expensive, with any additional tariffs likely impacting U.S. retailers, wholesalers, and manufacturers. During the campaign, Trump announced he would impose an additional 10-20% on global products and an additional 60% on products of China. Presidents have broad authority to impose tariffs and there are numerous legal authorities the Trump administration can rely on to impose them. In this GT Alert, we address those statutes and discuss strategies importers should consider to protect themselves from the increased financial burden. Statutory legal authority includes:

  • International Emergency Economic Powers Act of 1977 (IEEPA) provides the president with the authority to address unusual and extraordinary threats to national security through economic sanctions. According to the IEEPA, “Any authority granted to the President by section 1702 of this title may be exercised to deal with any unusual and extraordinary threat . . . if the President declares a national emergency with respect to such threat.” President Trump may use this act to address U.S. trade deficits.
  • Section 232 of the Trade Expansion Act of 1962 grants the president the power to impose restrictions on imports that pose a threat to national security, including through the imposition of tariffs. Previous legal challenges to the use of Section 232 have been unsuccessful.
  • Section 301 of the Trade Act of 1974 allows the president to respond to foreign trade practices that disadvantage the United States, authorizing the executive to (1) impose duties or other import restrictions, (2) withdraw or suspend trade agreement concessions, or (3) enter into binding agreements with foreign governments to eliminate the conduct in question or provide compensation. In his first term, President Trump used Section 301 beginning in July 2018 to impose additional tariffs of 25% or 7.5% on four lists of products from China. To date, the tariffs are still in place.
  • Section 338 of the Tariff Act of 1930 allows the president to impose additional tariffs of up to 50% on any country that discriminates against U.S. goods.
  • Section 122 of the Trade Act of 1974 provides the president with a “balance of payments” authority, allowing the imposition of an additional 15% tariff on imports for 150 days “[w]henever fundamental international payments problems require special import measures to restrict imports—(1) to deal with large and serious United States balance-of-payments deficits, (2) to prevent an imminent and significant depreciation of the dollar in foreign exchange markets.”

Prior to the implementation of additional tariffs, U.S. companies should consider increasing visibility into their supply chains. Importers may wish to review each imported product and confirm its country of origin. Specifically, if an additional 10% is added to products of the European Union and 60% is added to products of China, and a purchase agreement states the country of origin is the EU, U.S. companies should consider confirming the bill of materials and production steps to ensure that the product is in fact manufactured in the EU and not merely assembled there.

In addition, U.S. importers should consider reviewing incoterms (international commercial terms) on all purchase orders to determine which party is responsible for the tariffs. Note that tariffs are assessed based on the date of entry of goods into the United States and not the purchase order date. If a U.S. importer and non-U.S. supplier are currently negotiating a master purchase agreement that will take effect between now and the implementation of new tariffs under the Trump administration, importers may wish to add language so that the purchase price does not include the additional duties at whatever date the goods enter the United States.

Finally, there are numerous duty-mitigation strategies importers can consider to potentially blunt the impact of increased costs, including the use of “first sale” in a multi-tier transaction. Imported merchandise may have been the subject of more than one sale, with the middleman buyer adding an amount for profit and expenses to the price paid by the U.S. importer at entry. For example, merchandise may be manufactured in China, sold to a middleman in Hong Kong, and then sold to a buyer/importer in the United States. Under certain circumstances, importers can declare the value of the goods on the “first” or earlier sale, rather than on the last one, thereby reducing the declared value of the goods upon which duty payments are based. In addition, importers may consider taking legal deductions from the declared value, such as foreign inland and international freight.

The implementation of tariffs in the Trump administration seems likely, although the specifics have yet to be disclosed. In the meantime, companies should consider increasing transparency into their global supply chains and employing duty-mitigation strategies.

What Happened: Policy and Politics

Baseline: The future of the Inflation Reduction Act (IRA), signed in 2022 to boost US clean energy with new tax incentives, hangs in the balance. President-elect Trump and some Republicans in Congress have threatened to repeal all or part of it because they don’t agree with the policy, and they need the revenue savings to offset their 2017 Tax Cuts and Jobs Act (TCJA) extensions. The processing of a tax bill next year provides a rare opening for taxpayers who are dissatisfied with the IRA or with the Biden administration tax regulations which implement the IRA.

Pulse Check: Much depends on whether Republicans gain control of both chambers of Congress, enabling them to tap into the vaunted congressional budget reconciliation process and easing their path to legislative change.

What to Monitor: Expect IRA supporters to spend time educating administration officials and congressional offices about the valuable economic and other benefits provided by these tax provisions, particularly in GOP-represented congressional districts and states. Meanwhile, industries from biofuels to hydropower are lobbying for new tax credits in the 2025 tax bill, aiming to secure a place in the complex tax landscape that lies ahead.

Voters delivered a sweeping victory to Donald Trump on Tuesday, setting him up to be the 47th President, and the first since Grover Cleveland in 1892 to be elected to a second non-consecutive term. After a surprise electoral college victory in 2016 and a narrow defeat in 2020, Trump won an outright majority of the national popular vote, the first Republican to do so since George W. Bush in 2004. While his victory helped propel a pickup of at least four Senate seats, wresting back control of the chamber from Democrats, the fate of the House remains uncertain pending the counting of outstanding California mail ballots that could drag out for a week or more.

The victory was driven by disproportionate gains among key demographics and subgroups that will become clear as the dust settles, but the overall pattern was unmistakable: Trump made significant gains coast-to-coast, in urban, suburban, and rural areas, and among virtually every cohort of the electorate. His improvement in the key battlegrounds was actually dwarfed by his gains in the nation’s bluest states, with double-digit swings in places like New York, Maryland and California. In addition to avenging his 2020 loss, the President-elect can now credibly claim a popular mandate for his policies, and quite possibly the congressional majorities to pursue them legislatively.

The restoration of President-elect Trump represents a return to 2016-17, with many of the same conditions seen seven years ago: the potential for a unified Republican government, and a clear commitment from the new administration to roll back the regulatory agenda of the previous administration and institute “America-first” policies when it comes to energy, immigration and trade. The key difference is that while the outcome of the 2016 election caught even the Trump apparatus flat-footed, preparations for President-elect Trump’s second term have been underway for the past three years. Expect a second Trump administration to be savvier and more focused in carrying out its goals, installing key personnel, and implementing policy.

The expectation is that strong policy decisions are ready for implementation on Inauguration Day through Executive Orders that will clearly lay out the regulatory and policy framework for rescinding and replacing the Biden administration agenda. Examination of the Inflation Reduction Act and Infrastructure Investment and Jobs Act mechanisms will certainly occur. President-elect Trump has made clear his intentions to leverage American foreign policy through trade and tariffs rather than military means. Particularly in the energy space, President-elect Trump has pledged a return to American energy dominance backed by a foundation and focus on leveraging domestic traditional energy resources. As observed in his first term, separating campaign rhetoric from implanted policy will continue to be a critical exercise. It is a guarantee that President-elect Trump intends to staff up quickly with political loyalists who have experience in navigating the proclivities of both a Trump administration and Washington bureaucracy, one that he has yet again pledged to dismantle.

President-elect Trump re-assumes the White House with a certain Republican majority in the US Senate and a likely slim majority in the US House of Representatives, providing the ability to implement legislative initiatives while ensuring a full swath of Cabinet-level and senior-level appointees. Legislative action will be necessary for targeting provisions of the Inflation Reduction Act, and while the notion of full repeal exists in rhetoric, it is more likely that Republicans use a more precise approach, preserving legacy provisions that tend to benefit traditional energy sources and targeting those that are more renewable energy focused. However, the slim majorities in each chamber complicate the full breadth of legislation that Republicans can expect to implement. The focus in the early days of Congress will be on the aforementioned Senate confirmation process and resolutions of disapproval under the Congressional Review Act to repeal Biden administration regulations finalized in the last 60 days of the previous Congress, which are both likely to be comfortable party-aligned exercises. The tools of congressional oversight will be trained on assisting the Trump administration in implementing regulatory changes and building a record toward federal agency reforms – such as permitting, federal workforce, and agency re-organization.

President Trump Orders Expanded Use of Emergency Powers to Streamline Infrastructure

On Thursday, June 4, 2020, President Trump signed an Executive Order (EO) on “Accelerating the Nation’s Economic Recovery from the COVID-19 Emergency by Expediting Infrastructure Investments and Other Activities.” Relying on the COVID-19 declared national emergency, the EO directs federal agencies to invoke their existing emergency authorities under the National Environmental Policy Act (NEPA), Endangered Species Act (ESA), Clean Water Act (CWA), and other laws to expedite economic recovery, including taking “all reasonable measures” to speed infrastructure and public works projects. While consistent with prior administrative directives to expedite project permitting, this latest EO likely will have little practical effect on individual projects and generate increased litigation for projects that rely on it.

The EO aspires to expedite a variety of projects that fall under the jurisdiction of several specific federal agencies:

  • All authorized and appropriated highway and other infrastructure projects within the authority of the U.S. Department of Transportation;
  • All authorized and appropriated civil works projects under the purview of the U.S. Army Corps of Engineers; and
  • All authorized and appropriated infrastructure, energy, environmental, and natural resources projects on federal lands managed by the Department of Defense, the Department of the Interior, and the Department of Agriculture.

The EO’s main action item is periodic reporting by affected federal agencies to the White House. Agency heads must provide a summary report listing all projects expedited under their emergency authorities no later than July 4th (30 days after the EO’s issuance date), and provide status reports every 30 days thereafter. The EO specifies no end date for the national emergency or use of emergency authorities.

The EO principally relies on the government-wide NEPA regulation for emergency situations.  40 C.F.R. § 1506.11. It also invokes the ESA implementing regulation on Section 7 consultations in emergencies (50 C.F.R. § 402.05 2) and the CWA Section 404 regulations and nationwide permits addressing emergency circumstances. Lastly, the EO directs agencies to review “other authorities” potentially applicable to emergencies, including “all statutes, regulations, and guidance documents that may provide for emergency or expedited treatment (including waivers, exemptions, or other streamlining).”  Overall, the EO intends to allow critical infrastructure and public works projects to move forward more quickly, by abbreviating or waiving legally required environmental reviews, interagency consultation, and public comment.

While the goals of reducing time and paperwork are laudable, the EO will likely be less impactful than other recent efforts (such as One Federal Decision). The emergency exemptions available under NEPA, the ESA, the CWA, and other laws are quite limited pursuant to regulations and case law. They are meant for very narrow or discrete circumstances, not for indefinite national conditions. Moreover, they do not entirely or permanently waive environmental requirements, but rather allow for deferred or alternative procedures that achieve statutory aims. For example, the NEPA emergency regulation provides that when emergency circumstances make it necessary to take actions with significant environmental impacts without observing the typical NEPA process, agencies may consult with the Council on Environmental Quality to make “alternative arrangements” to take such actions. The effort and resources required to develop such “alternative arrangements” may not save time in the overall NEPA review. Nor can an EO legally displace regulations or case law.

Predictably, environmental organizations have already indicated a likely forthcoming challenge to the EO. Though a direct challenge may face jurisdictional obstacles, individual project approvals relying on the EO may be more vulnerable to lawsuits. And given the EO’s focus on timing, preliminary injunction motions at the commencement of lawsuits likely would be a centerpiece of those lawsuits, which likely would offset any advantage that may have been gained from relying on the EO.


© 2020 Beveridge & Diamond PC

Bipartisan Group of Senators Asks Trump to Explain Reasoning for Firing IC Watchdog

Yesterday, Senator Charles Grassley (R-IA) and a bipartisan group of senators sent a letter to President Trump asking for more details regarding the firing of Intelligence Community Inspector General (IC IG) Michael Atkinson. Atkinson was responsible for alerting Congress to the whistleblower complaint that led to Trump’s impeachment.

Grassley, who serves as chairman of the Senate Whistleblower Protection Caucus, argued that Trump provided insignificant reasons for firing the government watchdog.

“Congressional intent is clear that an expression of lost confidence, without further explanation, is not sufficient to fulfill the requirements of the statute. This is in large part because Congress intended that inspectors general only be removed when there is clear evidence of wrongdoing or failure to perform the duties of the office, and not for reasons unrelated to their performance, to help preserve IG independence.”

Trump announced the termination of Atkinson on Friday, citing a lack of “confidence in the appointees serving as inspectors general.” In remarks the following day, Trump defended the decision stating, Atkinson “did a terrible job, absolutely terrible.” He also said Atkinson “took a fake report and gave it to Congress.”

The Senators stressed that “all inspectors general (IG) are designed to fulfill a dual role, reporting to both the President and Congress, to secure efficient, robust, and independent agency oversight.”

The Senators allege that the administration by-passed Congress’s “opportunity for an appropriate dialogue” “by placing the IG on 30 days of administrative leave and naming an acting replacement.”

The Senators ask that President Trump provide a detailed explanation of the removal of Inspector General Atkinson no later than April 13, 2020. And to also explain appointing an acting official before the end of the 30-day notice period comports with statutory requirements.

The day after his termination was made public, Atkinson described how he “faithfully discharged” his duties as “an independent and impartial Inspector General” in a statement encouraging other government whistleblowers to speak up.

Seven other senators signed the letter.

Read the Senator’s letter to President Trump.


Copyright Kohn, Kohn & Colapinto, LLP 2020. All Rights Reserved.

Ben Kostyack also contributed to this article.

U.S. Agencies Implement Latest Trump-Cuba Policy Changes

On May 30, 2019, the Office of Foreign Assets Control (OFAC) amended the Cuban Assets Control Regulations (Cuba Regulations), 31 C.F.R. Part 515 (2019), removing authorization for group people-to-people education travel to Cuba. Certain previously authorized group people-to-people education travel may continue to be authorized under a grandfathering provision that will also be added to the regulation. The revisions are effective as of June 5, 2019.

Importantly, the revocation reflects the Trump administration’s significant shift in policy towards Cuba, as the revisions implement changes restricting non-family travel first announced by National Security Advisor John Bolton in an April 17, 2019, foreign policy address. Under an earlier tightening of restrictions in 2017, OFAC had only restricted the General License for group people-to-people travel to require such travel be conducted by organizations subject to U.S. jurisdiction (see previous GT Alert, U.S. Implements President Trump’s Cuba Policy), while this latest move removes the authorization entirely.

Previously authorized group people-to-people travel will be eligible for continued authorization under the grandfathering provision if the traveler has already completed at least one travel-related transaction (such as purchasing a flight or reserving an accommodation) prior to June 5, 2019.

In conjunction with the above, the Bureau of Industry and Security (BIS) amended the Export Administration Regulations (EAR) license exceptions and its licensing policies to “generally prohibit non-commercial aircraft from flying to Cuba and passenger and recreational vessels from sailing to Cuba.”

The License Exception Aircraft, Vessels and Spacecraft (AVS) in EAR § 740.15 has been amended by BIS to remove private and corporate aircraft, cruise ships, sailboats, fishing boats, and other similar aircraft and vessels from eligibility for the license exception. This means that all such aircraft and vessels subject to the EAR may no longer be exported or reexported to Cuba under the AVS exception, and operators will instead need to apply for a BIS license.

The following types of aircraft and vessels remain eligible for License Exception AVS: 1) commercial aircraft operating under Air Carrier Operating Certificates and other Federal Aviation Administration certificates; 2) authorized air ambulances; and 3) cargo vessels for hire for use in transportation of separately authorized items.

Parties that intend to travel to Cuba or to provide Cuba-related transportation services should carefully review the revised regulations to determine whether the new measures impose licensing requirements or other compliance obligations. Parties with previously scheduled group people-to-people travel to Cuba may wish to check the dates of their travel-related transactions and confirm that at least one purchase was made prior to June 5, 2019.

Although these latest revisions do not affect the remittance allowances permitted under the Cuba Regulations, Ambassador Bolton specifically mentioned in the April 17 speech that new restrictions on remittances will be forthcoming. Interested parties should, therefore, expect the restrictions on remittances to be implemented in the near future.

 

©2019 Greenberg Traurig, LLP. All rights reserved.

Executive Orders Aim to Streamline Energy Infrastructure Projects

On April 10, 2019, President Trump signed two executive orders intended to address a range of legal and procedural hurdles commonly facing infrastructure projects, particularly in the energy sector. Most notably, the executive orders require the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) to review and revise Section 401 water quality certification procedures and increase the president’s direct role in permitting cross-border projects.

In recent years, states and tribes have increasingly utilized Section 401 of the Clean Water Act, 33 U.S.C. § 1341, to delay, condition, or deny permits and licenses for projects within their borders that may violate established water quality standards. Executive Order 13868 directs EPA to review these water quality certification procedures in consultation with states, tribes, and other federal agencies, with a focus on:

    • Promoting federal-state cooperation.
    • Clarifying the appropriate scope of water quality reviews.
    • Identifying appropriate conditions for certifications.
    • Establishing reasonable review times for certifications.
    • Delineating the nature and scope of information that states and tribes may need in acting promptly on a certification request.

The executive order contemplates several forthcoming EPA actions with aggressive deadlines. Within 60 days, EPA must issue new water quality certification guidance to states, tribes, and federal agencies. Within 120 days, EPA must publish a proposed rule revising the existing regulations that implement Section 401. Other federal agencies that issue permits or licenses subject to Section 401 certification requirements must then revise their regulations and guidance to conform to EPA’s actions. These actions will afford numerous commenting opportunities and, given the executive order’s focus on “Promoting Energy Infrastructure,” the agencies likely will be interested in specific ideas, experiences, and feedback of project proponents.

Executive Order 13868 is not limited to Section 401. It further directs the U.S. Department of Transportation (DOT) to propose a rule newly allowing transport of liquefied natural gas (LNG) in rail tank cars. DOT must also revise its safety regulations for LNG facilities to reflect modern industry practices. Additionally, the executive order calls for scrutiny of retirement funds’ divestments from the energy sector. It also aims to facilitate renewals and reauthorizations of energy rights-of-way and similar authorizations. Lastly, it seeks information from agencies on barriers to a national energy market, intergovernmental assistance, and opportunities for economic growth in the Appalachian region.

Executive Order 13867 aims to end the multi-year reviews of cross-border infrastructure, such as pipelines and bridges, principally administered by the State Department. These projects have attracted national attention and controversy, as well as litigation. The Secretary of State will continue to receive all applications for such cross-border projects but will face a highly aggressive 60-day deadline to complete its review and provide recommendations to the president for a final permitting decision. The executive order stipulates that the State Department must revise its regulations to reflect these requirements by May 29, 2020. Because presidential actions are not subject to National Environmental Policy Act (NEPA) review, and to meet the tight deadline, such projects might undergo less review than they do today, which in turn may foster more litigation.

Overall, these executive orders afford opportunities to reduce barriers to energy infrastructure projects and improve the efficiency of the permitting process. Whether they yield tangible results remains to be seen. The substantive details and any legal challenges will emerge through the various agency actions implementing these executive orders, which the regulated community should follow and closely participate in.

 

© 2019 Beveridge & Diamond PC.

Brett Kavanaugh Nominated to U.S. Supreme Court

In the wake of Justice Anthony Kennedy’s retirement, President Donald Trump was presented with the rare opportunity to make his second U.S. Supreme Court nomination in as many years, nominating the Honorable Brett M. Kavanaugh to succeed Justice Kennedy. If confirmed by the Senate, Judge Kavanaugh would bring more than a dozen years of judicial experience to the position.

While the nomination process was swift, the confirmation process is likely to be contentious. Any nominee to the Supreme Court can expect deliberate and careful scrutiny, but in the context of losing Justice Kennedy’s critical “swing” vote, Judge Kavanaugh’s record of judicial decisions will receive even more attention than usual.

Career

Judge Kavanaugh, a federal judge on the U.S. Court of Appeals for the D.C. Circuit, received his B.A. from Yale College in 1987 and his J.D. in 1990 from Yale Law School, where he was a Notes Editor on the Yale Law Journal. Judge Kavanaugh’s lengthy experience with the judicial process began immediately upon graduation from law school, having clerked for Judge Walter Stapleton of the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Third Circuit (1990-1991) and for Judge Alex Kozinski of the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Ninth Circuit (1991-1992). Judge Kavanaugh served as a law clerk to the man he has been nominated to replace, Justice Anthony M. Kennedy of the U.S. Supreme Court, during October Term 1993.

Immediately following his U.S. Supreme Court clerkship, Judge Kavanaugh served in the Office of the Solicitor General of the United States. From 1994 to 1997, and for a period of time in 1998, Kavanaugh was Associate Counsel in the Office of Independent Counsel Kenneth W. Starr. He also spent time in private law practice, as a partner at Kirkland & Ellis in Washington, D.C., from 1997 to 1998 and again from 1999 to 2001. From 2001 to 2003, he was first Associate Counsel, and then Senior Associate Counsel to the President in the George W. Bush White House. From July 2003 until May 2006, Judge Kavanaugh was Assistant to the President and Staff Secretary to the President.

President Bush nominated Judge Kavanaugh to the D.C. Circuit and on May 30, 2006, he was appointed after being confirmed by a vote of 57-36.

Key Labor and Employment Decisions

 Judge Kavanaugh’s judicial philosophy is regarded as conservative; he is a textualist and an originalist, following in the footsteps of the late Justice Antonin Scalia. He generally takes a narrow and demanding approach to employment-related lawsuits and statutory interpretation, and routinely rules in favor of employers. That said, some of his opinions written for the majority, along with his dissents, reveal a flexible and nuanced approach to discrimination claims. How will Judge Kavanaugh treat workplace law cases that come before the Supreme Court? Following are summaries of several key decisions that illustrate his approach to deciding such cases.

Corporate Governance and Internal Investigations

 Judge Kavanaugh’s opinions display a tendency to refer to the plain text of statutes and their history, especially when voicing his support for the authority of the Executive Branch. See PHH Corp. v. Consumer Fin. Prot. Bureau, 881 F.3d 75, 165-67 (D.C. Cir. 2018) (Kavanaugh, J., dissenting). In his PHH dissent, Judge Kavanaugh held that the structure of the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau is unconstitutional, because having only one director erodes the President’s Article II powers. Id. at 166. Judge Kavanaugh reasoned that: (1) in light of historical practice, there has never been any independent agency so unaccountable and unchecked; (2) the lack of a critical check runs the risk of abuse of power and threatens individual liberty; and (3) Presidential authority to control the Executive Branch is of great importance and is diminished by this single-director independent agency. Id. at 167.

In an earlier dissent in Free Enter. Fund v. Pub. Co. Accounting Oversight Bd., 537 F.3d 667, 686 (D.C. Cir. 2008), Judge Kavanaugh asserted that the Public Company Accounting Oversight Board (PCAOB), created by the Sarbanes-Oxley Act, is unconstitutional because the appointment and for-cause removal powers of the PCAOB lie with the SEC, another independent agency. Kavanaugh stated this structure unconstitutionally restricted the President’s appointment and removal powers, either directly or through an alter ego, which he said has “never before [happened] in American history.” Id.

Discrimination in the Workplace

Judge Kavanaugh frequently writes opinions in a manner designed to portray himself as giving precise meaning to statutes, and resisting the urge to expand the law or “legislate from the bench.” See, e.g., Miller v. Clinton, 687 F.3d 1332, 1358 (D.C. Cir. 2012) (Kavanaugh, J., dissenting) (denouncing the majority’s decision to apply Age Discrimination in Employment Act (ADEA) to the State Department and quoting from Antonin Scalia & Bran A. Garner, Reading Law: The Interpretation of Legal Texts).

Several of Judge Kavanaugh’s decisions suggest he construes anti-discrimination statutes in a manner that may be considered plaintiff-friendly, but there is not a sufficient sample from which to draw a definitive conclusion on this issue. In both Ortiz-Diaz v. United States HUD, 831 F.3d 488, 494 (D.C. Cir. 2016), rev’d 867 F.3d 70, 81 (D.C. Cir. 2016), and Ayissi-Etoh v. Fannie Mae, 712 F.3d 572, 579-80 (D.C. Cir. 2013), Judge Kavanaugh argued in favor of making it easier for plaintiffs to establish a prima facie case of employment discrimination. In Ortiz-Diaz, Judge Kavanaugh was part of a three-judge panel that initially affirmed a district court’s ruling that refusal to grant a lateral transfer is not an adverse employment action under Title VII. See Ortiz-Diaz, 831 F.3d at 494. The ruling prevented the plaintiff from demonstrating harm resulting from his employer’s refusal to grant him a lateral transfer away from an allegedly racist and biased supervisor who the plaintiff claimed was hurting his ability to develop and succeed professionally. Id. at 491-92. Several months later, however, that three-judge panel reversed itself sua sponte, holding that when an employer denies a lateral transfer for reasons based on race or gender or other protected grounds, that employer violates Title VII. Ortiz-Diaz, 867 F.3d. at 74-77. In both decisions, Judge Kavanaugh wrote a concurring opinion arguing in favor of expanding the definition of adverse employment action to include discriminatory refusal to grant requests for lateral transfers. Id. at 81; Ortiz-Diaz, 831 F.3d at 494. Similarly, in Ayissi-Etoh, 712 F.3d at 579-80, Judge Kavanaugh wrote a concurring opinion, arguing that a single verbal incident ought to be sufficient to establish a hostile work environment. Judge Kavanaugh opined, “[t]he test set forth by the Supreme Court is whether the alleged conduct is ‘sufficiently severe or pervasive’ — written in the disjunctive — not whether the conduct is ‘sufficiently severe and pervasive.’” Id. at 579. He continued, “in my view, being called the n-word by a supervisor — as Ayissi-Etoh alleges happened to him — suffices by itself to establish a racially hostile work environment.” Id. at 580.

Employee Benefits

Some of Judge Kavanaugh’s dissenting and concurring opinions offer insight into what his approach may mean for employers. In Priests for Life v. United States Dep’t of Health & Human Servs., 808 F.3d 1, 14 (D.C. Cir. 2015), Judge Kavanaugh dissented from the denial of a rehearing en banc in a Religious Freedom Restoration Act (RFRA) challenge to the process for accommodating religious objections to the Affordable Care Act’s contraceptive mandate. Under the accommodation, the carrier still provides the services to the plan participants, but directly to those requesting them rather than the plan paying for the services as the mandate requires. The panel decision had upheld the accommodation, stating that a court is not required “simply to accept whatever beliefs a RFRA plaintiff avows—even erroneous beliefs about what a challenged regulation actually requires.” Id. at 4. Rather than join other conservative dissenters, who would have held for the religious organization agreeing that the government has no compelling interest in contraception facilitation, Kavanaugh wrote, “It is not our job to re-litigate or trim or expand Supreme Court decisions. Our job is to follow them as closely and carefully and dispassionately as we can. Doing so here, in my respectful view, leads to the conclusion that the plaintiff religious organizations should ultimately prevail on their RFRA claim, but not to the full extent that they seek.” Id. at 14.

Judge Kavanaugh’s approach to his cases is objective and literal, and he has shown a depth of understanding of ERISA, as well as an employer’s duties and responsibilities. His dedication to the text of the law or the plan document does not favor one side over the other, but rather illustrates his commitment to interpreting the language objectively before applying it to the situation.

Immigration

Judge Kavanaugh’s immigration decisions indicate a tendency to interpret the law to protect U.S. workers rather than employers who want to hire foreign nationals. For example, his dissent in Fogo de Chao (Holdings) Inc. v. U.S. Department of Homeland Security, 769 F.3d 1127 (D.C. Cir. 2014), offers a glimpse into his approach to immigration law. Fogo de Chao, a Brazilian steakhouse restaurant chain, claimed that a critical component of its success included employing genuine gaucho chefs, churrasqueiros, who “have been raised and trained in the particular culinary and festive traditions of traditional barbecues in the Rio Grande do Sul area of Southern Brazil.” Id. at 1129. Over the years, the company had brought over 200 chefs to the U.S. on L-1B visas. To qualify for an L-1B visa, the company must show that the individual has worked for the company abroad for at least one year in the prior three years and has “specialized knowledge.” The statutory definition states that an employee possesses specialized knowledge “if the alien has a special knowledge of the company product and its application in international markets or has an advanced level of knowledge of processes and procedures of the company,” and the regulation followed suit. 8 U.S.C. § 1184(c)(2)(B). The U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services (USCIS) denied Fogo de Chao’s petition, and the district court granted the government summary judgment. The D.C. Circuit reversed, holding that: (1) the regulation regarding “specialized knowledge” would not be given Chevron deference because the regulation merely mirrored the statute; (2) judicial review was not barred because the denial was not statutorily in the discretion of the Attorney General or the Secretary of Homeland Security; and (3) the agency’s denial based upon a categorical bar on culturally acquired knowledge to prove specialized knowledge was not sufficiently supported. Fogo de Chao, 769 F.3d at 1149.

Judge Kavanaugh dissented, noting that even if Chevron deference was not required, under a de novo standard of review, the agency’s decision should have been upheld. He reasoned the categorical bar on culturally acquired knowledge was correct because any other interpretation would “gut the specialized knowledge requirement and open a substantial loophole in the immigration laws.” Id. at 1152. Moreover, Judge Kavanaugh agreed with the agency that Fogo de Chao’s argument that American chefs could not be trained in a reasonable amount of time was inadequate. He noted that Fogo de Chao already employed some American chefs and “common sense tells us that the chefs who happen to be American citizens surely have the capacity to learn how to cook Brazilian steaks and perform the relevant related tasks.” Id. at 1153.

Ultimately, Judge Kavanaugh concluded that Fogo de Chao’s argument was at least in part based on their desire to cut labor costs and that “mere economic expediency does not authorize an employer to displace American workers for foreign workers.” Id. He further stated that: “By claiming that its Brazilian chefs possess ‘cultural’ knowledge and skills that cannot be learned by Americans within a reasonable time, Fogo de Chao has attempted an end-run around the carefully circumscribed specialized knowledge visa program.” Id. at 1154. Finally, in an interesting footnote, Kavanaugh pointed out that the agency could adopt a binding regulation (instead of relying on a policy memo) that would make it clear that workers such as the chefs in this case do not possess specialized knowledge under the statute ― then their decision would be entitled to Chevron deference. Id.

Judge Kavanaugh’s majority opinion in Int’l Internship Program v. Napolitano, 718 F.3d 986 (D.C. Cir. 2013), also illustrates his inclination to protect U.S. workers from being undercut based on an employer’s economic needs. Napolitano involved an organization that sponsored a cultural exchange program that helped Asians find jobs in American schools. The exchange program applied for Q visas for these individuals. The USCIS denied several of these petitions because the individuals participating in the program were not paid. The agency interpreted the Q visa statute and regulations to require payment of wages. Id. at 987.

The plaintiff argued that unpaid interns were eligible for Q visas as long as there were comparable American workers in the program who were unpaid because the statute stated that the foreign participants “will be employed under the same wages and working conditions as domestic workers.” Id. citing 8 U.S.C. § 1101(a)(15)(Q). Judge Kavanaugh disagreed, opining that the terms included in the statute and regulations (“employed,” “wages,” “workers,” and “remuneration”), were “best read to require foreign citizens to receive wages and that those wages be equivalent to the wages of domestic workers.” Int’l Internship Program, 718 F.3d at 987.

Labor

Because Judge Kavanaugh sits in the D.C. Circuit, he has frequently been involved in cases reviewing National Labor Relations Board (NLRB) decisions, which he appears to analyze on a case-by-case basis rather than in service of an overarching judicial philosophy. Judge Kavanaugh has written several majority opinions that vacated an NLRB order. Writing for the majority in S. New Eng. Tel. Co. v. NLRB, 793 F.3d 93, 94 (D.C. Cir. 2015), Judge Kavanaugh vacated an NLRB decision that had found an employer unlawfully banned employees (who went into customer’s homes) from wearing union t-shirts that stated “Inmate” and “Prisoner of AT.” Judge Kavanaugh opened his opinion by noting: “Common sense sometimes matters in resolving legal disputes,” and criticized the Board for applying “the ‘special circumstances’ exception in an unreasonable way.” Id. at 94, 96; see also Verizon New Eng. v. NLRB, 826 F.3d 480, 483 (D.C. Cir. 2016) (granting the employer’s petition for review of an NLRB decision which had overturned a labor arbitration decision that had ruled for the employer); Venetian Casino Resort L.L.C. v. NLRB, 793 F.3d 85, 87 (D.C. Cir. 2015) (granting employer’s petition for review, finding employer had a First Amendment right to contact police regarding a union demonstration allegedly trespassing on its private property).

In addition, Judge Kavanaugh has authored several dissenting opinions in favor of employers’ arguments. Most recently, in Island Architectural Woodwork, Inc. v. NLRB,2018 U.S. App. LEXIS 16109, at *32 (D.C. Cir. June 15, 2018), he dissented from the majority opinion enforcing an NLRB order holding an employer was an alter ego of a unionized shop and thus violated the National Labor Relations Act (NLRA). Judge Kavanaugh stated that “the Board’s analysis is wholly unpersuasive.” Id. at *34. In NLRB v. CNN Am., Inc., 865 F.3d 740, 765-66 (D.C. Cir. 2017), Kavanaugh dissented in part, finding that the NLRB erred in its analysis of both the joint-employer and successor-employer issues when it found that CNN had violated the Act, stating, among other things, that he agreed with conservative Member Miscimarra’s dissent in the underlying NLRB decision. Judge Kavanaugh ended his decision bluntly, “Bottom line: In my view, the Board jumped the rails in its analysis of both the joint-employer and successor-employer issues.” Id. at 767.

Judge Kavanaugh also dissented in Agri Processor Co. v. NLRB, 514 F.3d 1, 10 (D.C. Cir. 2008), refusing to join the majority’s decision enforcing an NLRB decision that held individuals who are not legally authorized to work in the United States are nonetheless “employees” for the purposes of the NLRA (and permitted to organize and vote in Union elections involving their employer). Judge Kavanaugh’s dissenting opinion stated, “I would hold that an illegal immigrant worker is not an ‘employee’ under the NLRA for the simple reason that, ever since 1986, an illegal immigrant worker is not a lawful ‘employee’ in the United States.” Id. In Kavanaugh’s view, the case should have been remanded to the Board “to determine how a party can challenge a union election or certification upon discovering after the fact that illegal immigrant workers voted in the election and effected the outcome.” Id.; see also Midwest Div.-MMC, LLC v. NLRB, 867 F.3d 1288, 1304-05 (D.C. Cir. 2017) (dissenting from majority, stating he would hold Weingarten rights do not apply to peer-review committee interviews, noting he would vacate the Board’s order to the extent it ruled the Union was entitled to peer-review information).

However, Judge Kavanaugh has sided with the NLRB in some instances. Most recently, in Veritas Health Servs., Inc. v. NLRB, 671 F.3d 1267, 1269-70 (D.C. Cir. 2012), Kavanaugh enforced an NLRB decision that had determined that certain pro-union conduct of charge nurses (supervisors) did not taint a union election, determining the employer did not show that the Court should overturn the decision upholding the election that resulted in the union’s certification. See also New York-New York, LLC v. NLRB, 676 F.3d 193 (D.C. Cir. 2012) (finding the NLRB had been granted discretion pursuant to an earlier Circuit decision to decide whether a property owner could prohibit employees of an on-site contractor from distributing handbills on its property); Raymond F. Kravis Ctr. for the Performing Arts, Inc. v. NLRB, 550 F.3d 1183, 1186 (D.C. Cir. 2008) (enforcing Board Order holding the employer violated the NLRA when it unilaterally changed the scope of the bargaining unit and withdrew recognition from the union); United Food & Commercial Workers v. NLRB, 519 F.3d 490, 492 (D.C. Cir. 2008) (enforcing NLRB decision that held employer was required to engage in effects bargaining with the union after positions no longer constituted an appropriate bargaining unit due to technological change); E.I. du Pont de Nemours & Co. v. NLRB, 489 F.3d 1310, 1312 (D.C. Cir. 2007) (enforcing Board Order finding that employer’s refusal to provide requested information to the union precluded lawful impasse).

Workplace Privacy

Judge Kavanaugh’s dissent in Nat’l Fed’n of Fed. Employees-IAM v. Vilsack, 681 F.3d. 483 (D.C. Cir. 2012), is perhaps indicative of his stance on privacy issues. In Vilsack, the plaintiff union challenged the constitutionality of a policy of random drug testing of all employees working at the Job Corps Civilian Conversation Center (specialized residential schools for at-risk youth) run by the defendant, the Secretary of Agriculture and Chief of the U.S. Forest Service. 681 F.3d at 485. The district court granted the Secretary’s summary judgment motion, concluding that the government interest in preventing illegal drug use justified intrusion of employee privacy interests and Fourth amendment rights. Id. at 488. The D.C. Circuit Court reversed and remanded the case. Id. at 486.

The panel opinion considered the balancing of the government’s interest in a drug free work place with employee privacy interests, using the Skinner test in assessing the employees’ privacy interests, to determine both “the scope of the legitimate expectation of privacy at issue” and the “character of the intrusion that is complained of.” Id. at 490. In ruling in favor of the plaintiffs and their interest in employee privacy, the opinion emphasizes the defendant’s lack of explanation of how “general program features loosely ascribed staff responsibilities serve to undermine the reasonable expectations of privacy held by Job Corps employees” and the lack of notice of such testing, given that for over a decade employees in the same position were not tested. Id. at 493. Moreover, typically drug testing is considered permissible in high security or safety positions; however, here the Secretary defendant designated all employees to drug testing, and the court concluded the defendant’s rationale supporting “special needs” to justify drug testing all employees was too speculative. Id. at 494-95, 498.

Judge Kavanaugh’s dissent narrowly addressed the issue of drug testing government employees who work at specialized residential schools for at-risk youth, and avoided an assessment of when drug testing should or should not be permissible in the government setting in general. Id. at 499-500. In the specific context of random drug testing at a “public school” for “at-risk youth,” Kavanaugh stressed that there was no Supreme Court precedent. Id. at 500. He distinguished a case the majority relied on, Vernonia School Dist. v. Acton, 515 U.S. 646 (1995), that cautioned against “suspicionless drug testing” passing “constitutional muster” in the public school setting. In Vernonia, the public school attempted to justify “suspicionless drug testing” of teachers and other staff on the basis that in the same school, drug testing of student athletes was permitted. Judge Kavanaugh found the Secretary’s rationale supporting “special needs” to be persuasive. See Vilsack, 681 F.3d at 501. “To maintain discipline, the schools must ensure that the employees who work there do not themselves become part of the problem,” Kavanaugh stated. Id. “That is especially true when, as here, the employees are one of the few possible conduits for drugs to enter the schools.” Id.

Judge Kavanaugh emphasized that his dissenting opinion was narrowly limited to this specific factual situation. See id. at 499-500. Therefore, in this case, although Kavanaugh ultimately concluded that the government’s interest outweighed the employees’ right to privacy, it remains difficult to assess the degree to which this case signals Kavanaugh’s stance on privacy issues generally.

***

Next steps: Judge Kavanaugh’s nomination must be approved by the U.S. Senate after the Senate Judiciary Committee holds a hearing. After a hearing, the committee votes on whether to put Kavanaugh before the Senate. If the committee votes to move forward, the Senate will vote on the nomination. A majority vote of the Senate is needed to put Judge Kavanaugh on the Court.

President Trump will have the opportunity to leave a lasting mark on the federal judiciary, which currently has more than 100 vacancies pending in the U.S. District Courts and the Courts of Appeals. In addition to the selection of the current nominee and Justice Gorsuch’s appointment in April 2017, Trump may have occasion to fill another Supreme Court seat in the coming years, with Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg at age 85 and Justice Stephen Breyer at age 79.

Jackson Lewis P.C. © 2018
For more legal news and analysis, check out the National Law Review’s Homepage.

White House Encourages Coordination of Infrastructure Permitting Through One Federal Decision Memorandum

On April 9, 2018, the White House announced that twelve federal agencies had signed the One Federal Decision Memorandum (“MOU”), establishing a coordinated and timely process for environmental reviews of major infrastructure projects. The MOU addresses one of President Trump’s signature policy promises from the 2018 state of the union – to reduce the infrastructure permitting process to at most two years.

The MOU comes in response to Executive Order 13807, signed by the President on August 15, 2017. The Executive Order directed federal agencies to, among other things, develop a two year permitting timeline for “major infrastructure projects,” and designate a “lead agency” to shepherd projects through the permitting process. The President specifically sought to address inefficient and duplicative practices such as multiple agencies producing separate Environmental Impact Statements.

The MOU and its accompanying Implementation Memorandum provide instruction to and agreement among agencies on how to improve the coordination and execution of permitting reviews. Benchmark improvements include:

  • A single Environmental Impact Statement for all agencies

  • A single Record of Decision except in specified circumstances

  • A two-year average time period for concluding all environmental reviews and authorization decisions for major infrastructure projects

  • Written concurrences from cooperating agencies at interim milestones in the consolidated Permitting Timetable governi­­­ng the multi-agency review-and-authorization process for a project

In evaluating the potential impact of these actions in comparison to prior initiatives to improve the permitting process, two additional factors should be considered.

First, this Administration appears committed to improving infrastructure permitting beyond issuing these documents. The current actions anticipate further change within the Executive Branch, at the White House’s direction, whereas similar actions under past administrations represented the culmination of an initiative.

Second, specific requirements in the Implementation Memorandum and MOU will require agencies to change their current processes in order to comply, instead of past efforts which largely encouraged Agencies to achieve better results using existing methods.

For example, the new guidance requires written concurrence from cooperating agencies at specific interim milestones within an established, consolidated permitting timetable. The guidance also requires agencies, with some exceptions, to develop a consolidated record supporting the One Federal Decision, instead of isolated administrative records within each agency. Implementing these and other changes will require modification of the status quo for many agencies. Indeed, the guidance calls for signatory agencies to submit plans (within 90 days) to implement the MOU through new guidance or regulations.

The following is a summary of key points from the Implementation Memorandum and MOU and a detailed list of specific provisions.

General Agreements – Outlines the overarching features of the MOU including a requirement for federal agencies to work together to develop a single Environmental Impact Statement and Record of Decision (“ROD”), and to issue all necessary authorization decisions within 90 days of the ROD.

Permitting Timetable – Provides guidance on the milestones to be included in the Permitting Timetable, including estimated milestones for which the project sponsor is to develop and submit complete applications and any other information required for Federal authorization of the project, including required authorization decisions by non-Federal entities.

Agency Roles and Responsibilities – Provides further details on the duties of lead agencies in preparing the federal EIS and outlines roles for cooperating and participating agencies. For example, cooperating agencies may only provide written comment on issues within their substantive areas of expertise.

Scoping and Concurrence Points – Provides for using the NEPA scoping process to develop relevant analyses, studies and engineering designs needed in order for all agencies to be able to sign a single ROD. Requires that the environmental review process be conducted concurrently with the applicable authorization decision processes, and, as such, the lead agency should obtain a written concurrence from all cooperating agencies whose authorization is required for the project at three key milestones: 1) Purpose and Need, 2) Alternatives To Be Carried Forward for Evaluation, and 3) the Preferred Alternative.

Elevation of Delays and Dispute Resolution – Directs agencies to use dispute resolution procedures within applicable laws and to defer to staff who have day-to-day project involvement. Where disputes are anticipated to delay a Permitting Milestone, disputes are to be elevated within the federal agencies.

Exceptions – Provides a number of exceptions to the MOU including the ability of lead agencies to extend the 90 day decision deadline.

© 2018 Bracewell LLP.

This post was written by Kevin A. EwingJason B. Hutt and Christine G. Wyman of Bracewell LLP.

Sessions, Oprah, Obama but not the Russians in Trump’s On-Going Twitter War

On February 20, 2018, DNC deputy communications director Adrienne Watson responded to a recent series of tweets by President Trump.  Last week’s Russian election meddling indictments renewed the debate about whether Obama did enough to counter Russian interference when he was in office.

After continued criticism about how he is handling Russia’s meddling in the 2016 Election, President Trump took to Twitter. Watson details Trump’s tweets from his attacks on Oprah, down to the Pennsylvania redistricting map. Trump’s tweets from last week and even today, included no mention of prevention of future Russian attacks on US elections, he did not condemn the Kremlin’s attack of the 2016-Presidential and he adamantly denies that the Mueller investigation will or has uncovered any unsavory connections between him and the Russians.

Trump Tweet Fox News Says Russia Has not dirt on Trump

Why Doesn’t Sessions Go After Obama for the Russian Meddling?

On February 21st Trump lashed out at Attorney General Jeff Sessions,  asking why he isn’t investigating the Obama-administration for being weak in the face of Russian aggression.

Trump Tweet why didnt Sessions go after Obama

Pressuring Sessions to investigate Obama’s knowledge of Russian involvement is somewhat awkward because Session’s involvement with Russian government officials was investigated by the Department of Justice in March 2017.  Sessions stated during his confirmation hearing in January 2017, that he “did not have communications with the Russians.” It was later determined by the Justice Department that he met with Russian ambassador, Sergey I. Kislyak twice in the preceding 12 months.

Sessions clarified the apparent disharmony between his sworn confirmation testimony and the two meetings with the Russian ambassador by stating that he “never met with any Russian officials to discuss issues of the campaign.”

The President seemed to forget that Sessions recused himself from the Russian investigation in June 2017.  “I recused myself not because of any asserted wrongdoing on my part during the campaign,” Sessions stated. “But because a Department of Justice regulation, 28 CFR 45.2, required it.”

What did the Obama Administration Know and When?

From the Mueller indictment, we now know that in 2015 the Russians purchased advertisements on social-media sites designed to influence public opinion, but it remains unclear whether the F.B.I. or any other intelligence agencies were aware of the purchases and other election interferences in real time.

By the summer of 2016, U.S. intelligence agencies had collected a “critical mass” of data about Russian efforts to intervene in the election. This prompted John Brennan, the then director of the C.I.A., to brief Obama and other top advisers in August about the threat.  But President Obama and his advisors didn’t learn of the extent of the Russian inference, including the use of fake personas online, or that the Russians were exploiting Facebook and other social-media sites until after the 2016 elections former administration officials said. “We knew some things, but didn’t have all the pieces,” a senior official said, referring to Obama’s final weeks in office.

Who is Tougher on Russia?  It Depends on Who You Ask.

From the beginning, President Trump has vehemently denied that his campaign and administration had any knowledge of Russian meddling in the election.  As detailed in his tweets, he also continues to state that the current administration has been “tougher on Russia than Obama.”

Trump Tweet Im tougher on Russia than Obama

Although the President claims the Obama administration didn’t take proper actions against Russia, Obama did make strides towards imposing sanctions against Russia, with a major retaliatory measures coming after the 2016 Election, when the Obama Administration expelled 35 Russian diplomats accused of interfering  with the Presidential Election, sanctioning three companies and also closing two Russian diplomatic offices in the United States.

Trump has yet to impose sanctions against the Russians, after the overwhelming passage of the Countering America’s Adversaries Through Sanctions Act by Congress last year. The sanctions were to take effect on January 29th.  The law gives the administration the power to target powerful Russian elites and companies and countries that do business with blacklisted Russian military and intelligence entities.  The administration also failed to meet a deadline to identify Russian entities and individuals which would be added to a sanctions list. Instead, the Administration published a list of 96 known prominent Russian Oligarchs, as noted on Twitter by Tom ParfittMoscow Correspondent at The London Times.

Parfitt Tweet Russians added to list all from Forbes

Treasury Secretary Steven Mnuchin said February 14 that the Trump administration is “actively working” on imposing sanctions on Russia over its interference in the 2016 US election.  And on February 20th, White House Press Secretary Sarah Sanders stated that Donald Trump “has done a number of things to put pressure on Russia and be tough on Russia.” We’ll have to see what’s coming and maybe we’ll find out exactly what Trump has done to put pressure on Russia, monitor Twitter.

 

Copyright ©2018 National Law Forum, LLC
This post was written by Alessandra de Faria and Jennifer Schaller of the National Law Forum.
Read more coverage of Trump’s tweets and other political news at the Election page of the National Law Review.

Keep Rollin’ Rollin’ Rollin’: DOL Reissues 17 Opinion Letters That Had Been Withdrawn Under the Obama Administration

In late June 2017, the United States Department of Labor (DOL) announced it would be reinstating Opinion Letters issued by its Wage and Hour Division, which was a practice that had ceased back in 2010. This announcement is significant from both the procedural and substantive basis. From 2010 to July 2017, Opinion Letters were replaced by Administrator Interpretations, which set forth a more general interpretation of the law and regulations as they pertained to a particular industry or set of employees. Opinion Letters, on the other hand, are official written opinions that set forth how wage and hour laws apply in very specific circumstances as presented to the DOL Wage and Hour Division via specific employer questions asking for a formal opinion to guide the employer as to how to proceed. In other words, employers submit questions based on their specific factual circumstances and policies and the DOL issues a written opinion as to the legality of the employer’s policies.

With Opinion Letters back, businesses have been waiting to see what the DOL would do with them. In the first week of 2018, the DOL answered that question by re-instating 17 Opinion Letters that were issued in January 2009 but withdrawn during the Obama administration. The DOL also reissued over a dozen advisory Opinion Letters that had been published during former President Bush’s administration, but were also later rescinded.

Because Opinion Letters answer specific business questions related to wage and hour issues in various business segments, the 17 reinstated Opinion Letters and the dozen plus reissued advisory Opinion Letters may provide businesses specific and tailored guidance on various wage/hour issues under the Fair Labor Standards Act (FLSA).

The reinstated letters cover a wide variety of topics including, appropriate inclusions in an employee’s regular pay rate, types of employment that qualify for the FLSA’s minimum wage and overtime exemptions, and how ambulance service workers’ “on-call” time should be treated for purposes of “hours worked” under the FLSA. Here is the full list of reinstated Opinion Letters (all dated January 5, 2018) and links:

Number

Letter Subject

FLSA2018-1

Construction supervisors employed by homebuilders and section 13(a)(1)

FLSA2018-2

Plumbing sales/service technicians and section 7(i)

FLSA2018-3

Helicopter pilots and section 13(a)(1)

FLSA2018-4

Commercial construction project superintendents and section 13(a)(1)

FLSA2018-5

Regular rate calculation for fire fighters and alarm operators

FLSA2018-6

Coaches and the teacher exemption under section 13(a)(1)

FLSA2018-7

Salary deductions for full-day absences based on hours missed and section 13(a)(1) salary basis

FLSA2018-8

Client service managers and section 13(a)(1)

FLSA2018-9

Year-end non-discretionary bonus and section 7(e)

FLSA2018-10

Residential construction project supervisor and section 13(a)(1)

FLSA2018-11

Job bonuses and section 7(e)

FLSA2018-12

Consultants, clinical coordinators, coordinators, and business development managers under section 13(a)(1)

FLSA2018-13

Fraud/theft analysts and agents under section 13(a)(1)

FLSA2018-14

Calculation of salary deductions and section 13(a)(1) salary basis

FLSA2018-15

Product demonstration coordinators and section 13(a)(1)

FLSA2018-16

Volunteer fire company contracting for paid EMTs – joint employment and volunteer status

FLSA2018-17

Construction supervisors employed by homebuilders and section 13(a)(1)

As demonstrated by the list above, there are a number of broad topics covered, i.e., Section 13(a)(1) of the FLSA, which exempts employees employed in a bona fide administrative function, and a number of extremely narrow ones, e.g., those dealing with helicopter pilots, coaches, construction supervisors employed by homebuilders.

Here is a summary of some of the noteworthy findings in the reinstated Opinion Letters:

Bonus Compensation

The DOL reviewed the issue of whether certain bonuses (or other payments) should be included in an employee’s regular rate of pay under the FLSA. See FLSA2018-5, FLSA2018-9, and FLSA2018-11.

Exempt Employee Deductions

The DOL reviewed the issue of whether a salary deduction is permissible when an exempt employee is absent for a full day, but does not have enough leave time in the employee’s leave bank to cover the entire absence. The DOL concluded that, “if the absence is one full day in duration, the employer may deduct one full day’s pay or less. Therefore, in answer to your first question, if an employee is absent for one or more full days, but does not have enough time in his or her leave bank to cover the entire absence, the employer may make a deduction from the employee’s pay for any portion of the full-day absences that is not accounted for by the leave bank.” SeeFLSA2018-7.

Administrative Exemption

In reviewing whether client service managers at an insurance company qualified as exempt administrative employees, the DOL focused on the “independent judgment” factor in determining that their primary duty was to use independent judgment over matters of business significance when issuing advice and, generally, without first seeking upper-level management approval.

On-Call Hours

The DOL concluded that on-call hours of ambulance service personnel are not compensable time under the FLSA for purposes of the regular rate and overtime calculations. The issue arose from an ambulance service’s unwritten policy that required on-call employees to arrive for service at the ambulance garage within five minutes of being notified. The DOL determined the five-minute requirement was “not a significant hindrance” to the employees that would require the employer to convert their on-call time to compensable hours worked. Notably, the scope was an ambulance company servicing a small city of approximately 4,000 individuals.

Takeaways:

  1. Nothing New as the DOL Returns to the Prior Opinion Letter Process. The important news is the return to the more focused, less-sweeping means to establishing DOL-interpretation policy. Otherwise the information provided in the reinstated Opinion Letters is not new; it has been available to businesses for years and, as such, most businesses with issues relevant to the topics in the reinstated Opinion Letters are likely already complying. The reinstated Opinion Letters do not take on any topics that had been severely altered during the Obama administration. We addressed this rolling-back issue in our All Things HR in a post titled “The Way We Were: The NLRB’s Time Machine Resets the Clock on Employer Work Rules and Joint Employer Status” demonstrating this is not just a NLRB mantra, it looks to be the DOL’s too.

  2. Ranging Applicability. As the ambulance-employer DOL Opinion Letter demonstrates, some of the reinstated Opinion Letters will have very limited applicability as Opinion Letters are only as good as the overlapping facts in the circumstances presented in them and the business seeking to use them as guidance. Nevertheless, while many Opinion Letters focus on specific legal issues specific to certain employers/businesses/industries, they are still valuable resources and may provide answers or guidance in many areas in wage and hour law.

  3. More Defenses Available to Businesses. Opinion Letters were and continue to be another tool businesses have in their arsenal to help ensure compliance with the FLSA, and another tool in their defense arsenal. Specifically, Section 10 of the Portal-to-Portal provides businesses an affirmative defense to all monetary liability if the business can demonstrate it acted “in good faith and in conformity with and in reliance on any written administrative regulation, order, ruling, approval, or interpretation” of the DOL Wage and Hour Division. See 29 U.S.C. § 259 and 29 C.F.R. Part 790.

In addition, Opinion Letters can be used to prove the “good faith” defense against the double liquidated damages penalty available under the FLSA, and the third-year of damages in the case of willful violations, of which the bar is extremely low. See 29 U.S.C. § 260. The availability of newly-issued Opinion Letters means that a business can request and obtain an Opinion Letter addressing a specific practice, policy, and/or factual circumstance for guidance and rely on a favorable Opinion Letter in response to a charge or lawsuit on the same issue.

  1. This is a Good Thing. This is good news for businesses because it demonstrates two things: (1) businesses will be able to have and rely on additional resources to meet their statutory and regulatory wage and hour obligations; and (2) the Trump administration seems intent on turning back the clock to a time pre-Obama administration, but not necessarily instituting new guidance or interpretations (not in the labor and employment context at least). This means that businesses are likely already familiar with what they should be doing and have been doing it.

© Copyright 2018 Dickinson Wright PLLC
For more Labor and Employment news go to the National Law Review’s Labor and Employment Page.