Tag: indigenous people

The Inflation Reduction Act: How Do Tribal Communities Benefit?

On August 16, 2022, President Biden signed into law the Inflation Reduction Act of 2022 (“IRA”), ushering in substantial changes for tax law, climate resilience, healthcare, and more in the United States. According to the Biden administration’s press release, the new $750 billion legislation aims to lower everyday costs for families, insist that corporations pay their fair share, and combat the climate crisis. During the signing ceremony, President Biden stated, “With this law, the American people won and the special interests lost […] For a while people doubted whether any of that was going to happen, but we are in a season of substance.”

Notably, the legislation provides significant provisions for tribal communities and the Bureau of Indian Affairs. Once the funding is appropriated by Congress, it will be directed toward drought mitigation programs, fish hatcheries, modernization of electric systems, and more for Native communities, including ones in Alaska and Hawaii.

How the Inflation Reduction Act of 2022 Supports the Environment and Tribal Communities

The Inflation Reduction Act of 2022 contains an array of provisions, including the reduction of drug prices, the lowering of energy costs, and, notably, federal infrastructure investments that benefit Native communities. Andrew M. VanderJack and Laura Jones, Co-Coordinators of Van Ness Feldman’s Native Affairs Practice, highlight the most significant facets of the bill: “This legislation provides some opportunities specifically for tribes and tribal entities, including programs related to climate resiliency and adaptation, electrification, and drought relief. For example, the Emergency Drought Relief program for Tribes extends direct financial assistance to tribal governments to address drinking water shortages and to mitigate the loss of tribal trust resources.”

Pilar Thomas, Partner in Quarles & Brady’s Energy, Environment & Natural Resources Practice Group, expanded on the most significant inclusions for Tribes: “[…] the creation of a Direct Pay tax credit payment program that allows Tribes to receive a payment equal to the clean energy technology tax credits – especially for solar, wind, storage, geothermal and EV charging stations; […] direct funding for electrification and climate resiliency through DOI and USDA; […] access to the greenhouse gas reduction fund, environmental and climate justice grants; and expanded energy efficiency tax benefits and rebates for tribes and tribal members.”

“Tribal governments are also eligible to apply for other programs such as the Clean Vehicle Credit program, the Energy Efficient Commercial Buildings Deduction, and the State and Private Forestry Conservation Programs,” noted Mr. VanderJack and Ms. Jones.

How the 2022 Inflation Reduction Act Has Been Received by Tribal Communities

The 2022 Inflation Reduction Act has received a warm reception from groups such as the National Indian Health Board and Native Organizers Alliance, who laud the bill’s potential to improve environmental, medical, and economic conditions for tribal communities, some of whom still lack access to electricity or clean water. The increase in funding will allow tribes to use green energy technology to increase climate resilience and decrease individual energy costs, while reducing the effects of environmental racism with risk assessments for drinking water and climate hazards. These infrastructural changes will stimulate economic development by creating new jobs. “With critical investments in the Inflation Reduction Act, we’re making sure the federal government steps up to support Native-driven climate resilience, advance tribal energy development, and fulfill its trust responsibility to Native communities,” said Senator and Senate Committee on Indian Affairs Chairman Brian Schatz.

“This legislation will result in hundreds of millions of funding available for Tribes, and non-profits that work with tribes and tribal communities to support the clean energy transition for tribal communities, reduce energy costs for tribal members, and create jobs,” said Ms. Thomas of Quarles & Brady. “The IRA will provide a substantial down payment for every tribe to take advantage of clean energy technologies, energy efficiency and energy savings, and climate resilient solutions for their communities and tribal members individually.  The new projects, technology implementation and economic development opportunities are substantial and will create long term community and economic development sustainable improvements in tribal communities.”

Some groups feel that the new legislation does not go far enough. In an open letter to President Biden, Senate Majority Leader Chuck Schumer, and House Speaker Nancy Pelosi, Indigenous-led advocacy organization NDN Collective argued that Congress’ hesitance to fully reject fossil fuels undermines the stated goals of addressing climate change, a misstep that could disproportionately affect tribal communities at the frontlines of the environmental crisis. “We believe that moving away from investments in the fossil fuel and other extractive industries and reallocating the funding to further research and development will help us find the solutions we need for true decarbonization and large-scale equitable carbon emissions reductions,” the collective stated. “We are already aware of innovative, Indigenous-led solutions that just need the proper funding and support to be scaled and replicated.”

Challenges in Getting the 2022 Inflation Reduction Act Passed

Up to this point, the Inflation Reduction Act has faced significant challenges in Congress. The legislation is the product of extensive compromise over the Build Back Better Act within the Democratic party. The Build Back Better Bill was initially estimated to cost over $3 trillion, and ultimately, the Inflation Reduction Act was passed with a budget of $750 billion. Senator Joe Manchin of West Virginia held back his support of the bill until late July, and Republicans successfully blocked an aspect of the bill that would have capped the price of insulin for Americans with private health insurance. When presented to Congress, the vote was split by party lines with every Republican voting against the bill. Biden has criticized Republicans for this decision, saying at the signing of the Inflation Reduction Act, “every single Republican in the Congress sided with the special interests in this vote — every single one.”

Challenges for tribal governments remain as well, specifically concerning the IRA’s implementation. “Despite the incredible opportunity for tribes, major barriers remain including tribal internal capacity and capabilities, [and] federal regulatory hurdles (such as BIA leasing and easement approvals),” said Ms. Thomas.

“[…] Navigating the complexities of each program and actually obtaining funding is always the challenge,” said Mr. VanderJack and Ms. Jones of Van Ness Feldman. “Tribes and tribal entities should engage directly, whenever possible, with the grant funding agencies to make sure proposals are tailored to fit both program requirements and community needs.”

Early Assessment of How the IRA will Impact Tribal Communities

The Inflation Reduction Act, ultimately, provides meaningful resources and investments for tribal communities in a variety of ways. While the provisions are not as significant as COVID-19 relief and infrastructure funding that tribal governments have received in previous years, the new legislation is nonetheless beneficial. “While the federal grant funding is relatively small, the potential major impact is the ability to access funding through tax credit payments and rebates,” said Ms. Thomas. “This mechanism is critical as it is simplifies tribes’ access to funding (rather than, for example, seeking to obtain funding through the competitive grant programs).”

Article By Chandler Ford, Casey Karthaus, Crissonna Tennison, and Shelby Garrett of The National Law Review / The National Law Forum LLC.

For more tribal law / indigenous peoples legal news, click here to visit the National Law Review.

Copyright ©2022 National Law Forum, LLC

Supreme Court Expands State Criminal Jurisdiction in Indian Country

In a 5-4 opinion issued Wednesday in Oklahoma v. Castro Huerta, No. 21-429, the Supreme Court expanded the authority of States to exercise criminal jurisdiction over non-Natives in Indian country without tribal consent or congressional authorization, upending a long-standing basic principle of Federal Indian Law and striking a blow to tribal sovereignty. Under federal law, “Indian country” has been interpreted as including Indian reservations, dependent Indian communities, Indian allotments, In Lieu sites (land outside reservation boundaries meant to replace lost Indian lands), and tribal trust lands. The majority opinion in Castro-Huerta, written by Justice Brett Kavanaugh, held that States presumptively have “inherent” jurisdiction over crimes committed in Indian country and “do not need a permission slip from Congress to exercise their sovereign authority,” dismissing the Court’s prior statements to the contrary as non-binding dicta. After concluding States presumptively have criminal jurisdiction in Indian country, the majority found that the General Crimes Act, 18 U.S.C. 1152, did not preempt that jurisdiction for crimes committed by non-Natives against Natives in Indian country. As a result, States now have concurrent criminal jurisdiction with the federal government to prosecute crimes committed by non-Natives against Natives in Indian country.

Castro-Huerta involved the prosecution of Defendant Victor Manuel Castro-Huerta, who was convicted in an Oklahoma State court of a crime against a Native child. Following the Supreme Court’s landmark decision in McGirt v. Oklahoma, 140 S. Ct. 2452 (2020), in which the Court concluded much of Oklahoma is Indian country, Castro-Huerta successfully argued that the State lacked jurisdiction to prosecute him because he committed his crime in Indian country. The State appellate court’s decision in Castro-Huerta’s favor followed the interpretation of the General Crimes Act that has prevailed since the statute’s 1948 reenactment. Under that interpretation, only the federal government has authority to prosecute non-Native individuals who commit crimes against Native individuals in Indian country.

Arguing before the Supreme Court, Oklahoma claimed that the prevailing interpretation is incorrect, and the majority agreed. The Court began its analysis by describing the details of Castro-Huerta’s crime and noting that of the 2 million people who live in Oklahoma, “the vast majority are not Indians.” Op. at 2. The Court also noted that Castro-Huerta had accepted a plea agreement with the federal government for a 7-year sentence followed by removal from the United States (he was in the United States unlawfully), receiving, in effect, a 28-year reduction in his sentence. Op. at 3. The majority stated that his case “exemplifies a now-familiar pattern in Oklahoma in the wake of McGirt” in which non-Indian criminals have received “lighter sentences in plea deals negotiated with the Federal Government” or have “simply gone free.” Op. at 3-4.

Citing the United States Constitution and prior Supreme Court decisions for the proposition that Indian reservations are “part of the surrounding State” and subject to State jurisdiction except as forbidden by federal law, the majority concluded that an “overarching jurisdictional principle dating back to the 1800s” is that “States have jurisdiction to prosecute crimes committed in Indian country unless preempted.” Op. at 5-6.

The majority then considered whether the State’s authority to prosecute non-Native v. Native crimes in Indian country had been preempted under the “ordinary principles of federal preemption” or because “the exercise of state jurisdiction would unlawfully infringe on tribal self-government.” Op. at 7. The majority found that the plain text of the General Crimes Act did not expressly provide for exclusive federal jurisdiction. Op. at 7-14. It then rejected Castro-Huerta’s argument that Public-Law 83-280 and similar statutes through which Congress authorized certain States to exercise jurisdiction in Indian country demonstrated Congress’s understanding that States presumptively lack such authority. The majority reasoned that, despite what Congress might have assumed, the question had not yet been decided and the statutes in question lacked language preempting State jurisdiction. Op. at 16-18. The statutes also provided for civil jurisdiction and State jurisdiction over Natives, in addition to criminal jurisdiction over non-Natives, so they were not entirely redundant.

Turning next to whether the exercise of State jurisdiction under the General Crimes Act would unlawfully infringe on tribal self-government, the majority applied the “Bracker balancing test,” which weighs tribal, federal, and state interests, and is generally used to determine whether a state tax is preempted when assessed against a non-Native on tribal land. The majority concluded that the Bracker factors supported State jurisdiction, dismissing any tribal preference for federal jurisdiction as irrelevant to the Court’s analysis, Op. 19 n.6, Op. 20 n. 7. Concluding the State’s inherent jurisdiction had not been preempted, the majority noted in its holding that, “Unless preempted, States may exercise jurisdiction to prosecute crimes committed by non-Indians against Indians in Indian country,” and this “applies throughout the United States,” including on Indian allotments. Op. 24 n.9.

In a scathing dissent, Justice Gorsuch, joined by Justices Breyer, Sotomayor, and Kagan, pushed back against the majority’s opinion, suggesting any future analysis would need to consider the specific context of each tribe, its treaties, and relevant laws. Dissent at 40-41 n.10. The dissent, appealing for a legislative fix, accused the majority of ignoring history, congressional action, precedent, and tribal sovereignty, and usurping “congressional decisions about the appropriate balance between federal, tribal, and state interests.” Dissent at 38.

Article By Charlene Koski of Van Ness Feldman LLP

For more tribal law legal news, click here to visit the National Law Review.

© 2022 Van Ness Feldman LLP

Tribal Cannabis Tourism and Current Status of Federal Legislation Impacting the Cannabis Industry

As Tribes expand their economic endeavors into the cannabis industry, the growth of cannabis tourism is a natural development. Below, we offer details on how cannabis tourism could support Tribal governments’ economic development efforts. We also provide an update on the status of pending federal legislation that could bring positive impacts to the cannabis industry.

Cannabis Tourism

With the pandemic continuing to take a toll on the tourism industry, many U.S. states and territories are exploring ways to help that industry recover. One potential savior for tourism is cannabis. As states went into varying levels of lockdown in early 2020, businesses deemed “nonessential,” including recreational facilities, gyms, bars, restaurants, etc. were forced to shut down. However, early into lockdown, cannabis was deemed “essential” in California, a designation other states with functional cannabis markets quickly adopted. In total, nearly 30 states, along with the District of Columbia and Puerto Rico, deemed cannabis businesses essential. This triggered some major changes in the industry, including:

With all of these changes, cannabis tourism has developed into a potentially rewarding industry that Tribal governments might be able to cultivate as part of efforts to recover economic losses suffered by their tourism and other businesses

What is Cannabis Tourism?

Cannabis tourism is most generally characterized as a destination-based industry that attracts tourists because cannabis is legal in that location. But the industry can take many forms. For example, tourists might visit a dispensary to learn more about the development of cannabis crops, stay at a “bud and breakfast,” tour a cannabis farm or growing facility, or dine at a restaurant with cannabis-infused dishes. Cannabis tourism can also have a positive knock-on effect for many other Tribal businesses.

How can Tribes Participate?

Interested Tribes can create specific cannabis-centered tourist destinations. One example is opening a farm or growing facility that is similar to a wine vineyard, where consumers can tour the facility and sample the products. This concept would serve multiple functions in that the farm would supply dispensaries while providing a tourism destination that would benefit hotels, restaurants, and the local economy.

Another route is to add cannabis tourism into existing tourism infrastructure. Tribes can take advantage of their land base and natural resources by offering cannabis hikes or camping expeditions, where participants are able to experience nature while partaking. Tribes with resort properties can offer CBD-infused massages at their spa, include CBD and hemp products at their gift shops, or offer travel packages designed for cannabis tourists. The idea behind this approach is to utilize the Tribe’s existing tourism infrastructure to provide new cannabis tourism options.

Federal Cannabis Legislation Update

The following is an update on pending federal legislation that would impact the cannabis industry. Summaries of previous cannabis legislative developments are provided in past articles..

The Democrats control both the House and the Senate (with Vice President Harris acting as the tie-breaking vote in the 50-50 Senate) but passing any cannabis legislation in the current Congress might prove difficult. The filibuster rules require 60 votes for a bill to pass the Senate, so any cannabis legislation would need relatively strong bipartisan support.

The future of federal cannabis law remains unclear, but Tribes interested in the cannabis industry can start taking steps now to establish the necessary framework to support this new area of Tribal economic enterprise.

Article By Robert A. Conrad and Laura E. Jones of Van Ness Feldman LLP

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© 2021 Van Ness Feldman LLP