Donald Trump, Want To Binge-Watch Anti-Trump Ads? You’ll Need Three Full Days And Nights

If you were to binge-watch every negative Donald Trump advertisement aired in 23 selected markets during the primary season, you would first want to make yourself comfortable.

How comfortable?  Extremely so. You’ll be sitting down for more than 3 days and nights.

Our analysis of Political TV Ad Archive data has found that the Republican presidential nominee was the subject of at least 4,963 minutes of negative advertisements between Nov. 20 and July 14, in television markets ranging from San Francisco to Washington, D.C. Cumulatively, the ads attacking Trump amounted to about 83 hours of air time.

Donald Trump, Election anti-trump ads
Screenshot of Our Principles PAC advertisement from the Political Ad Archive

By comparison, it would take about 11 hours to watch the airings of negative ads aimed exclusively at Hillary Clinton. The presumptive Democratic nominee only had one major primary candidate, Bernie Sanders, who, for the most part, stuck to his pledge of running a positive campaign. Republican groups sponsored all of the anti-Clinton spots.

The campaign against Trump is unusual. Most of the attack ads came from a super PAC backed by his own Republican party’s establishment.

Outsourcing negative ads

Although waning in influence, television advertisements still make up the single largest expense of any presidential campaign – nearly three of every four dollars spent. Most political ads are bought by campaign committees that are tied directly to an individual candidate.

Traditionally, those committees have been reluctant to sling mud for fear of angering voters. Instead they have outsourced the work of attacking opposing candidates to outside spending groups. Most negative ads are now sponsored by those groups, which include super PACs and “dark money” organizations that aren’t required to reveal their donors.

Archive records show that anti-Trump ads aired at least 7,811 times during the primary season. Our Principles, a super PAC backed by the Republican party’s establishment wing, paid for at least 1,795 airings of spots dedicated to attacking Trump individually — the most from a single group. Nearly 30% of that air time was devoted to one ad that attacked the Republican nominee’s history of using undocumented workers on construction projects.

Two super PACs affiliated with the campaign of U.S. Sen. Ted Cruz paid for at least 670 airings of anti-Trump ads. But the Texas Republican, who ran against Trump in the GOP presidential primary before dropping out of the race in May, used his own campaign funds to pay for 5 separate ads attacking Trump. One of those spots claimed Trump favored gender-neutral public bathrooms.

Conservative Solutions PAC, a super PAC affiliated with the unsuccessful campaign of U.S. Sen. Marco Rubio (R-Florida), who dropped out of the race in March, paid for nearly 600 airings of anti-Trump spots. All of those ads featured Trump boasting, “I love the poorly educated.”

Business As Usual

Of the 95 separate advertisements focused on Trump, the Political Ad Archive determined that 71 were unambiguously negative, while 22 ads were considered strictly positive. That means that roughly 3 out of every 4 ads featuring only Trump were negative.

Those figures are similar to the previous presidential primary season, when roughly 70 percent of the political ads aired through April of 2012 took a negative tone, according to researchers at the Wesleyan Media Project. In 2008, only 9 percent of presidential primary ads were negative.

A 2012 post-election report found that near the end of the campaign, the prevalence of negative ads threatened to swamp any positive marketing by candidates. Almost 90 percent of 2012 GOP nominee Mitt Romney’s general election advertisements were negative, according to Kantar Media CMAG; roughly 80 percent of Obama’s 2012 spots were attack ads.

Clinton’s allies have been attacking Trump since late November, according to archive records. Priorities USA Action, a Democratic-leaning super PAC that supported Obama and is now backing the former Secretary of State, has paid for 527 airings of attack ads focused only on Trump, including one spot that has run 415 times. Clinton’s own committee has already aired more than 130 anti-Trump ads, including one that consists entirely of Republicans criticizing Trump.

Methodology: analysis of Political TV Ad Archive data through July 14, 2016. The markets included in the Political TV Ad Archive include stations in Iowa (Des Moines-Ames; Cedar Rapids-Waterloo-Iowa City-Dubuque; and Sioux City), New Hampshire (Boston-Manchester), Nevada (Las Vegas and Reno), South Carolina (Columbia and  Greenville-Spartanburg), Colorado (Colorado-Springs-Pueblo and Denver), North Carolina (Charlotte and Raleigh-Durham-Fayetteville); Virginia (Roanoke-Lynchburg; Norfolk-Portsmouth-Newport News; and Washington, DC-Hagerstown), Ohio (Cleveland-Akron-Canton and Cincinnati), Florida (Tampa-St. Petersburg-Sarasota; Orlando_Daytona Beach-Melbourne; and Miami-Ft. Lauderdale), California (San Francisco), Pennsylvania (Philadelphia), and New York (New York City). More information about the data from the Political TV Ad Archive is available here.

ARTICLE BY MapLight of MapLight
© Copyright MapLight

Trump Trump Trump Trump Trump Trump Everywhere All the Time, Including in Workplace

Ddonald trum larry kingonald Trump has become part of the national conversation. Not a single day goes by now without Mr. Trump filling up at least one news cycle.  His recent success reminds me of a fantastic exchange in Private Parts when a researcher is explaining Howard Stern’s improbable success to the infamous Pi … let’s just call him Phil Vomitz:

Researcher: The average radio listener listens for eighteen minutes. The average Howard Stern fan listens for – are you ready for this? – an hour and twenty minutes.

Phil Vomitz: How can that be?

Researcher: Answer most commonly given? “I want to see what he’ll say next.”

Phil Vomitz: Okay, fine. But what about the people who hate Stern?

Researcher: Good point. The average Stern hater listens for two and a half hours a day.

Phil Vomitz: But… if they hate him, why do they listen?

Researcher: Most common answer? “I want to see what he’ll say next.”

Not surprisingly, not a single day also goes by without a workplace water-cooler (or better yet, chat room) conversation about Mr. Trump (or any of the other presidential candidates.) It can run the spectrum from some friendly banter among co-workers, to a serious dialogue about the issues facing this country, all the way to a heated disagreement coupled with threats of violence.  And it begs the question: how can employers respond to employee political speech in the workplace?  This post addresses that issue.

Few Laws Exist Protecting Employee Political Speech in Private Workplaces

Generally private employers can take adverse actions against employees based on their political speech, unless (i) the employer operates in a state or city that specifically protects employees against discrimination because of political speech, or (ii) the employees are subject to a collective bargaining agreement that does the same.  (The story is quite different for public sector workers, but we do not address them here.)

Many workers live in jurisdictions that provide at least some protection against political speech discrimination – typically in the form of protecting an employee’s political activities, expressions and/or affiliations.  But those laws come in all shapes and sizes, so employers must proceed carefully before banning political speech or disciplining an employee.  For example, Washington D.C.’s human rights law limits its reach to actual or perceived political affiliations only, while Seattle’s law is a bit broader, extending to one’s “political ideology.”  Wisconsin protects those declining to attend a meeting or to participate in any communication about political matters.

More often than not, these laws protect workers from discrimination because of their political activities outside instead of inside the workplace.  For example, with limited exceptions, Colorado law prohibits employers from firing someone because of their lawful off-duty activities, which includes engaging in political speech, and it also prohibits employers from making any rule prohibiting employees from engaging or participating in politics or running for office.  New York’s law protects employees engaging in certain “political activities” outside the workplace, during off hours, but it contains an exception where the employee’s activities would create a “material conflict of interest related to the employer’s trade secrets, proprietary information or other proprietary or business interest.”

There is no federal law that specifically protects employees from discrimination or retaliation because of their political activities, affiliations or expressions.  And the First Amendment is not much of a help as it only protects a person’s right to free speech from government interference, not from interference by private employers.

Therefore, unless you live in a jurisdiction that protects you, if the boss overhears you in the cafeteria campaigning for Team Trump or going haywire for Hillary, he or she can generally send you packing.

Political Speech May Invoke the Protections of Other Laws, However

Of course, it’s a bit more complicated than the above analysis indicates, and will only become more so as the primary, and then general election, season unfolds.  To explain, consider the following hypothetical.

Employees A and B are talking in the break room about the upcoming Democratic debate.  Employee A says to Employee B that Hillary is the only candidate who can deliver on increasing the minimum wage, and “maybe they’ll stop underpaying us here if that happens.”  Employee B disagrees emphatically, placing his bet on Bernie Sanders as the only viable candidate to get the job done, and eventually the conversation turns uncomfortably vocal such that Employee C, an older Hispanic woman, cannot help but overhear Employee B comment to Employee A that he fully expects Hillary Clinton to play the female victim card to stave off criticism about her e-mail scandal.  Employee D, who supervises Employees A, B and C, chimes in and enthusiastically sides with Employee B stating that women always do this, and that Employee A should really stop griping about her wages if “she knew what was good for her.”  Employee E, a senior executive, then gets in on the conversation by professing his love for Trump, including by echoing his views on immigration and in particular, Mexican immigrants, and then he goes on to say that he thinks Hillary is just too old to assume the Commander in Chief Position.  Meanwhile Employees F, G, and H are sitting there stunned with their turkey sandwiches in hand, saying to themselves “awwwwwkward!”

This hypothetical, drawn directly from The Cat in the Hat Comes Back: Workplace Edition, shows that while the employer doesn’t necessarily have a political speech problem on its hands, it may instead have sex, age, race and national origin discrimination and/or NLRA interference complaints coming its way – just from one spirited election-related conversation in the break room.  Yes, politically-related conversations often invoke passionate feelings on both sides of the aisle on issues ostensibly about public policy, but they also often touch on issues that may relate to someone’s membership in a protected class, leaving employers vulnerable to discrimination and other claims.

Potential Employer Responses to Political Speech in the Workplace

As we head into Super or SEC Tuesday and the (17-month+ long!) election season plods along, you should be asking yourself what level of political discourse do you want in your workplace.  Do you want everyone to keep their political opinions to themselves or do you want to encourage robust debate or somewhere in between?  Discussion of politics and campaigning in the workplace puts you on tricky terrain, and may lead to conflict among your employees and thus, wherever you fall on this spectrum, consider addressing these issues in your code of conduct or in your handbook, including more specifically in your anti-discrimination/harassment, complaint reporting, non-solicitation/distribution and social media and electronic use policies.  In doing so, remain mindful of certain laws like the state and local laws mentioned above and the National Labor Relations Act, which restrict your ability to limit certain politically-based conversations/activities in the workplace.

If you will tolerate political discussions in the workplace, consider whether it’s necessary during this election season to conduct workplace professionalism training seminars for all staff members to reduce the likelihood that a healthy debate will turn into a contentious or inappropriate one.  Or consider distributing an election-focused one-pager with helpful talking points.  For example, it may remind employees that a politically-laced, yet well-intentioned conversation, even between the best of friends, can quickly turn contentious, and thus, even though you are not banning such conversations, you are asking your employees to think twice before engaging in one.  Or if the employees do engage in such a conversation, they should be sensitive to others’ beliefs and should not pressure anyone into discussing politics at work.  It also should remind them to utilize your complaint reporting mechanisms if a problem does arise from such a conversation.

Overall, employers should aim for outcomes where employees can engage in a dialogue about important issues, whether in person or electronically, during non-working hours while remaining respectful of others’ points of view and aware of key discrimination and labor laws.  Employees should also understand that they may be subject to discipline for failing to meet your standards of conduct regarding political discourse.  Taking this approach should allow employers to create realistic workplace social conditions, maintain employee morale, and reduce their exposure to a lawsuit.