An OSHA Violation Today Can Cost You Almost 80% More in Penalties After August 1, 2016

osha-logoThe maximum penalty that the Occupational Safety and Health Administration (OSHA) can assess for a violation of an OSHA standard has been a constant source of consternation within the agency as well as with workers’ rights advocates. The statutory maximum, which currently is set at $70,000 for willful and repeat violations and $7,000 for serious and other than serious violations, has remained unchanged since 1990. The Protecting America’s Workers Act (PAWA), first introduced by Senator Edward Kennedy in 2004, and reintroduced in each congressional session since 2004, sought to increase the maximum amount of statutory penalties as well as make other changes to the Occupational Safety and Health Act. In each congressional session, PAWA died in committee.

But a little known section of the Bipartisan Budget Act of 2015, which authorized funding for federal agencies through September 30, 2017, will change all of this.

Section 701 of the Bipartisan Budget Act of 2015 contains the Federal Civil Penalties Inflation Adjustment Improvements Act of 2015, which requires OSHA and most other federal agencies to implement inflation-adjusted civil penalty increases. The Inflation Adjustment Act requires a one time “catch-up adjustment” that is based upon the percent change in the Consumer Price Index in October of the year of the last adjustment and October, 2015. Subsequent annual inflation adjustments are also required.

On February 24, 2016, the Office of Management and Budget issued guidance on the implementation of the Inflation Adjustment Act. This guidance set the catch-up adjustment multiplier for OSHA penalties at 1.78156 – which roughly equates to an increase in the maximum penalty per violation as follows:

An OSHA Violation Today Can Cost You Almost 80% More in Penalties After August 1, 2016

The Inflation Adjustment Act allows OSHA to request a reduced catch-up adjustment if it demonstrates the otherwise required increase of the penalty would have a negative economic impact or that social costs would outweigh the benefits. But given published comments from OSHA administrators over the years, which were openly critical of the current statutory maximum amount, the prospect for any such reduction request is remote.

OSHA is required to publish the new penalty levels through an interim final rule in the Federal Register no later than July 1, 2016. The new penalty levels will take effect on August 1, 2016. Because OSHA is subject to a six-month statute of limitations, it is possible that violations occurring on or after March 2, 2016 will be subject to the new maximum penalty amounts if OSHA uses the entire six month period before issuing the citation and assessment of penalties.

The Inflation Adjustment Act does not impact OSHA’s discretion to reduce a proposed penalty in accordance with its current procedures, which take into account the size of the employer, the gravity of the violation, the employer’s history of prior violation, good faith compliance and “quick fix” abatement measures. The Act also does not govern those States which have OSHA approved plans. However, because States have to establish that their plan is as effective as federal OSHA, one would expect that OSHA will develop guidance that requires the States to increase their maximum penalty levels to comport with the new federal penalty amounts.

In the meantime, employers would be well-advised to conduct a self-audit of their workplace safety programs to ensure compliance with applicable state and federal OSHA standards.

© Polsinelli PC, Polsinelli LLP in California
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Burrito Bowls, Guacamole, &. . .Tweets? NLRB Judge Finds Social Media Policy Unlawful

There’s more bad news this week for restaurant chain Chipotle Mexican Grill, but this time it has nothing to do with the food.

Last year, we heard about an NLRB decision upholding an administrative law judge’s (ALJ) finding that the restaurant had committed an unfair labor practice. According to the decision, Chipotle had allegedly threatened and interrogated employees who engaged in discussions about their pay. The employee at issue in the case had worked at a Chipotle restaurant in St. Louis, Missouri. He was also a union member who participated in strikes and was involved with the “Show Me 15” campaign for a higher minimum wage.

That decision is currently pending appeal, and Chipotle has suffered another NLRB loss this week. An ALJ ruled against the restaurant and found an unfair labor practice charge for what the judge described as the company’s unlawful social media code of conduct. The case involves a Chipotle employee in Havertown, Pennsylvania, named James Kennedy. By way of background, Chipotle employs a national social media strategist who is responsible for reviewing employees’ social media posts to determine whether any of them violate the company’s social media policy.

In early 2015, some of Kennedy’s tweets were reviewed by the strategist, including one where Kennedy had replied to a few customers’ tweets. For example, in response to a customer who tweeted “Free chipotle is the best thanks,” Kennedy tweeted “nothing is free, only cheap #labor. Crew members only make $8.50hr how much is that steak bowl really?” Then, replying to a tweet posted by another customer about guacamole, Kennedy wrote “it’s extra not like #Qdoba, enjoy the extra $2.

Chipotle’s social media strategist emailed the regional manager, forwarded the tweets, and told the manager to ask Kennedy to delete the tweets and to review the company’s social media policy with him. Kennedy was subsequently terminated following a dispute with management over an unrelated issue.

The ALJ evaluated whether Chipotle maintained an unlawful social media policy based on the following provisions:

  • If you aren’t careful and don’t use your head, your online activity can also damage Chipotle or spread incomplete, confidential, or inaccurate information.
  • You may not make disparaging, false, misleading, harassing or discriminatory statements about or relating to Chipotle, our employees, suppliers, customers, competition, or investors.

Generally a violation of the act based on an unlawful work rule is dependent upon a showing of one of the following: “(1) employees would reasonably construe the language to prohibit Section 7 activity; (2) the rule was promulgated in response to union activity; or (3) the rule has been applied to restrict the exercise of Section 7 rights.” Lutheran Heritage Village-Livonia, 343 NLRB 646, 646–647 (2004). The ALJ found that the company’s social media policy failed on the first and third prongs.

Picking apart the provision, the ALJ relied on other Board decisions which found rules prohibiting “derogatory” statements to be unlawful. The ALJ also took issue with the prohibition on “false” statements, saying, “[M]ore than a false or misleading statement by the employee is required; it must be shown that the employee had a malicious motive.” The ALJ also found no relief based on the policy’s disclaimer which said “This code does not restrict any activity that is protected or restricted by the National Labor Relations Act, whistleblower laws, or any other privacy rights.”

Although the employee was not ultimately terminated for posting the tweets, employers can still get in trouble with the NLRB where social media policies are concerned. Considering NLRB decisions regarding work rules and handbook policies apply regardless of whether the employees are unionized. We’ll follow this case as it makes its way to the full Board.

© 2016 BARNES & THORNBURG LLP

Burrito Bowls, Guacamole, &. . .Tweets? NLRB Judge Finds Social Media Policy Unlawful

There’s more bad news this week for restaurant chain Chipotle Mexican Grill, but this time it has nothing to do with the food.

Last year, we heard about an NLRB decision upholding an administrative law judge’s (ALJ) finding that the restaurant had committed an unfair labor practice. According to the decision, Chipotle had allegedly threatened and interrogated employees who engaged in discussions about their pay. The employee at issue in the case had worked at a Chipotle restaurant in St. Louis, Missouri. He was also a union member who participated in strikes and was involved with the “Show Me 15” campaign for a higher minimum wage.

That decision is currently pending appeal, and Chipotle has suffered another NLRB loss this week. An ALJ ruled against the restaurant and found an unfair labor practice charge for what the judge described as the company’s unlawful social media code of conduct. The case involves a Chipotle employee in Havertown, Pennsylvania, named James Kennedy. By way of background, Chipotle employs a national social media strategist who is responsible for reviewing employees’ social media posts to determine whether any of them violate the company’s social media policy.

In early 2015, some of Kennedy’s tweets were reviewed by the strategist, including one where Kennedy had replied to a few customers’ tweets. For example, in response to a customer who tweeted “Free chipotle is the best thanks,” Kennedy tweeted “nothing is free, only cheap #labor. Crew members only make $8.50hr how much is that steak bowl really?” Then, replying to a tweet posted by another customer about guacamole, Kennedy wrote “it’s extra not like #Qdoba, enjoy the extra $2.

Chipotle’s social media strategist emailed the regional manager, forwarded the tweets, and told the manager to ask Kennedy to delete the tweets and to review the company’s social media policy with him. Kennedy was subsequently terminated following a dispute with management over an unrelated issue.

The ALJ evaluated whether Chipotle maintained an unlawful social media policy based on the following provisions:

  • If you aren’t careful and don’t use your head, your online activity can also damage Chipotle or spread incomplete, confidential, or inaccurate information.
  • You may not make disparaging, false, misleading, harassing or discriminatory statements about or relating to Chipotle, our employees, suppliers, customers, competition, or investors.

Generally a violation of the act based on an unlawful work rule is dependent upon a showing of one of the following: “(1) employees would reasonably construe the language to prohibit Section 7 activity; (2) the rule was promulgated in response to union activity; or (3) the rule has been applied to restrict the exercise of Section 7 rights.” Lutheran Heritage Village-Livonia, 343 NLRB 646, 646–647 (2004). The ALJ found that the company’s social media policy failed on the first and third prongs.

Picking apart the provision, the ALJ relied on other Board decisions which found rules prohibiting “derogatory” statements to be unlawful. The ALJ also took issue with the prohibition on “false” statements, saying, “[M]ore than a false or misleading statement by the employee is required; it must be shown that the employee had a malicious motive.” The ALJ also found no relief based on the policy’s disclaimer which said “This code does not restrict any activity that is protected or restricted by the National Labor Relations Act, whistleblower laws, or any other privacy rights.”

Although the employee was not ultimately terminated for posting the tweets, employers can still get in trouble with the NLRB where social media policies are concerned. Considering NLRB decisions regarding work rules and handbook policies apply regardless of whether the employees are unionized. We’ll follow this case as it makes its way to the full Board.

© 2016 BARNES & THORNBURG LLP

IRS Expands Ability of Safe Harbor Plan Sponsors to Make Mid-Year Changes

The Internal Revenue Service (IRS) recently issued Notice 2016-16, which provides safe harbor 401(k) plan sponsors with increased flexibility to make mid-year plan changes.  Notice 2016-16 sets forth new rules for when and how safe harbor plan sponsors may amend their plans to make mid-year changes, a process which traditionally has been subject to significant restrictions.

Background

“Safe harbor” 401(k) plans are exempt from certain nondiscrimination tests (the actual deferral percentage (ADP) and actual contribution percentage (ACP) tests) that otherwise apply to employee elective deferrals and employer matching contributions.  In return for these exemptions, safe harbor plans must meet certain requirements, including required levels of contributions, the requirement that plan sponsors provide the so-called “safe harbor notice” to participants, and the requirement that plan provisions remain in effect for a 12-month period, subject to certain limited exceptions.

Historically, the IRS has limited the types of changes that a safe harbor plan sponsor may make mid-year due to the requirement that safe harbor plan provisions remain in effect for a 12-month period.  The 401(k) regulations provide that the following mid-year changes are prohibited, unless applicable regulatory conditions are met:

  • Adoption of a short plan year or any change to the plan year

  • Adoption of safe harbor status on or after the beginning of the plan year

  • The reduction or suspension of safe harbor contributions or changes from safe harbor plan status to non-safe harbor plan status

The IRS has occasionally published exceptions to the limitations on mid-year changes.  For example, plan sponsors were permitted to make mid-year changes to cover same-sex spouses following the Supreme Court of the United States’ decision in United States v. Windsor in 2013.

Aside from these limited exceptions, safe harbor plan sponsors were generally not permitted to make mid-year changes.  This led to some difficulties for plan sponsors, particularly in situations where events outside the plan sponsor’s control might ordinarily cause a plan sponsor to want to make a mid-year plan change.

Permissible Mid-Year Changes

Notice 2016-16 clarifies that certain changes to safe harbor plans made on or after January 29, 2016, including changes that alter the content of a plan’s required safe harbor notice, do not violate the safe harbor qualification requirements simply because they occur mid-year.  A “mid-year change” for this purpose includes (1) a change that is first effective during a plan year, but not effective at the beginning of a plan year, or (2) a change that is effective retroactive to the beginning of the plan year, but adopted after the beginning of the plan year.

Mid-year changes that alter the plan’s required safe harbor notice content must meet two additional requirements:

  1. The plan sponsor must provide an updated safe harbor notice that describes the mid-year change and its effective date must be provided to each employee required to receive a safe harbor notice within a reasonable period before the effective date of the change.  The timing requirement is deemed satisfied if the notice is provided at least 30 days, and no more than 90 days, before the effective date of the change.

  2. Each employee required to be provided a safe harbor notice must also have a reasonable opportunity (including a reasonable time after receipt of the updated notice) before the effective date of the mid-year change to change the employee’s cash or deferred election.  Again, this timing requirement is deemed satisfied if the election period is at least 30 days.

Mid-year changes that do not alter the content of the required safe harbor notice do not require the issuance of a special safe harbor notice or a new election opportunity.

Prohibited Mid-Year Changes

Certain mid-year changes remain prohibited, including:

  • A mid-year change to increase the number of years of service that an employee must accrue to be vested in the employee’s account balance under a qualified automatic contribution arrangement (QACA) safe harbor plan

  • A mid-year change to reduce the number of employees eligible to receive safe harbor contributions

  • A mid-year change to the type of safe harbor plan, such as changing from a traditional 401(k) safe harbor plan to a QACA

  • A mid-year change to modify or add a matching contribution formula, or the definition of compensation used to determine matching contributions if the change increases the amount of matching contributions

  • A mid-year change to permit discretionary matching contributions

In addition, mid-year changes that are already subject to conditions under the 401(k) and 401(m) regulations (including changes to the plan year, the adoption of safe harbor status mid-plan year, and the reduction or suspension of safe harbor contributions, as described above) are still prohibited, unless applicable regulatory conditions are met.  These changes are also not subject to the special notice and election opportunity requirements.

Conclusion

Notice 2016-16 fundamentally changes the rules regarding mid-year changes to safe harbor 401(k) plans.  Prior to Notice 2016-16, mid-year changes were assumed to be impermissible, subject to the limited exceptions described above.  Going forward, however, mid-year changes that are not specifically prohibited are permitted, so long as the notice requirements, where applicable, are met, and other regulatory requirements are not violated.

Notice 2016-16 should prove particularly helpful for safe harbor plan sponsors that have struggled with the limitations imposed on safe harbor plans by the inability to make mid-year changes when non-safe harbor plans would do so (for example, if a record-keeper changes administrative procedures or other events outside the plan sponsor’s control require mid-year changes).  However, safe harbor plan sponsors wishing to make mid-year changes will still need to consult with advisors to determine whether a proposed amendment is permissible, or whether the amendment is subject to additional regulatory requirements.  In addition, plan sponsors wishing to make a mid-year change that would alter the plan’s required safe harbor notice content must assume the additional cost of issuing a special safe harbor notice and must plan ahead to make sure the supplemental notice is delivered on time.

The IRS is also requesting comment on additional guidance that may be needed with respect to mid-year changes to safe-harbor plans, and specifically as to whether additional guidance is needed to address mid-year changes relating to plan sponsors involved in mergers and acquisitions or to plans that include an eligible automatic contribution arrangement under Section 414(w) of the Internal Revenue Code.  Comments may be submitted in writing not later than April 28, 2016.

Taco Bell Employees Likely Are Not Celebrating Their “Victory” in California Meal and Rest Period Class Action

More than a few media sources have reported on the March 10, 2016 wage-hour “victory” by a class of Taco Bell employees on meal period claims in a jury trial in the Eastern District of California.  A closer review of the case and the jury verdict suggests that those employees may not be celebrating after all — and that Taco Bell may well be the victor in the case.

The trial involved claims that Taco Bell had not complied with California’s meal and rest period laws. The employees sought meal and rest period premiums and associated penalties for a class of employees that reportedly exceeded 134,000 members.

Now, it is certainly true that, at trial, a class of employees prevailed on a claim that Taco Bell did not comply with California meal period laws for a limited period of time (2003-2007), when Taco Bell reportedly provided employees with 30 minutes of pay when they were not able to take meal periods, rather than the full one-hour of pay provided for by California law.

And it is certainly true that the class of employees was awarded approximately $496,000 on that claim.

But as it appears that there were more than 134,000 employees in the class, a few punches on the calculator show that, on average, each employee would receive approximately $3.

Perhaps more importantly, while it may have lost on that one claim, Taco Bell prevailed on the remaining claims in the case where the class alleged that Taco Bell had violated both meal and rest period laws as to its employees, including a claim that Taco Bell had not provided meal periods in compliance with the law for a period of approximately 10 years (2003-2013).   That claim alone likely would have resulted in a jury verdict of several million dollars had the employees prevailed on it.  But they did not.  Taco Bell did.

In other words, in a case where the employees were presumably asking a jury for several millions of dollars for alleged violations dating back to George W. Bush’s first term as President, they were only awarded approximately $496,000.

In the grand scheme of a class action, where employers must constantly weight the costs of litigation with the benefits of settlement, that is a small sum.  It is likely an amount Taco Bell gladly would have paid to settle the case.  In fact, one would have to speculate that $496,000 is likely much less than the amount Taco Bell actually offered the employees and their attorneys to resolve the case in mediation or otherwise.

So while the media may be reporting that this is a “victory” for Taco Bell employees, those employees, who will receive $3 each on average, may not see it that way.  Instead, they may well be questioning the lead plaintiffs and their attorneys about how much Taco Bell offered at the settlement table, if it was rejected, and why.

(And before anyone responds, “But the employees’ attorneys will get their attorneys fees,” we’re talking about the recovery for the employees themselves. If the real victors in the case are the attorneys, that’s another issue, isn’t it?)

©2016 Epstein Becker & Green, P.C. All rights reserved.

NIOSH Issues Suggestions to Help Workers Adapt to the Time Change

Spring is in the air and with it comes the time change to account for daylight savings.  Do not forget to set your clocks forward one hour this Sunday, March 13, 2016 or at least be ready for your smart devices to change their time spontaneously.

However, according to NIOSH, the time change can create real risks to workplace health and safety:

It can take about one week for the body to adjust the new times for sleeping, eating, and activity (Harrision, 2013). Until they have adjusted, people can have trouble falling asleep, staying asleep, and waking up at the right time. This can lead to sleep deprivation and reduction in performance, increasing the risk for mistakes including vehicle crashes. Workers can experience somewhat higher risks to both their health and safety after the time changes (Harrison, 2013). A study by Kirchberger and colleagues (2015) reported men and persons with heart disease may be at higher risk for a heart attack during the week after the time changes in the Spring and Fall.

Employers are encouraged to remind workers of the upcoming time change and that it can have effects on the mind and body for several days following the change.  NIOSH suggests that employees should consider reducing demanding physical and mental tasks as much as possible the week of the time change to allow oneself time to adjust.  See all of NIOSH’s guidance here.

Copyright Holland & Hart LLP 1995-2016.

Sick Leave and Minimum Wage Update: Oregon, Vermont, Santa Monica

On Wednesday, Oregon Governor Kate Brown signed into law legislation that increases that state’s minimum wage from $9.25 to up to $14.75 by 2022, the highest of any state.  The first increases go into effect on July 1, 2016.  Under SB 1532 [PDF], minimum wage rates vary based upon the employer’s location, as set forth in the table below.  Beginning in 2023, the rate will be indexed to inflation.  The Commissioner of the Bureau of Labor and Industries has been charged with adopting rules for determining an employer’s location.

 Oregon, Vermont, Santa Monica

In addition, Santa Monica, California quietly passed a law raising the minimum wage and mandating paid sick leave starting July 1, 2016, adding to the regulatory maze for employers with employees in California.  As currently written, Santa Monica’s sick leave law tracks San Francisco’s (arguably the most generous sick leave law in the nation), in that it does not contain an annual accrual or use cap.  Instead, employees are allowed to accrue paid sick leave at the rate of one hour for every 30 hours worked, up to 40 hours (if the employer has 1-25 employees in Santa Monica) or 72 hours (if the employer has 26 or more employees in Santa Monica).  If the employee reaches that cap, then uses some sick leave, the employee begins accruing leave again, up to that cap.  In addition, employees are entitled to roll over all accrued, unused sick leave to the next year. As with the San Francisco ordinance, this creates difficulties for employers who wish to front-load a predetermined amount of sick leave (a practice that is permissible under California and many other sick leave laws).  Of note, the City has established a working group to review and recommend technical adjustments to the adopted ordinance.  The sick leave law goes into effect on July 1, 2016.

The Santa Monica law also establishes a minimum wage for employees who work at least two hours per week in Santa Monica.  Large employers—those with 26 or more employees in Santa Monica—must pay a minimum wage of $10.50/hour beginning on July 1, 2016, increasing annually to $15.00/hour on July 1, 2020.   Small employers—those with 25 or fewer employees in Santa Monica—must pay a minimum wage of $10.50/hour beginning on July 1, 2017, increasing annually $15.00/hour on July 1, 2021. Beginning July 1, 2022, and each year thereafter, the minimum wage will increase based on Consumer Price Index (CPI).   The working group is also reviewing the minimum wage portion of the law.

Finally, Vermont is on the verge of becoming the fifth state (following California, Connecticut, Massachusetts and Oregon) to require private employers to provide paid sick leave for employees.  All that is left is for Governor Shumlin to sign the legislation [PDF], which he is expected to do.  Vermont’s sick leave law differs somewhat from laws in other jurisdictions in that 1) it only requires paid sick leave for employees who work an average of at least 18 hours/week, 2) employees accrue sick leave at a rate of one hour for every 52 worked (one hour for every 30 worked is the most common rate of accrual) and 3) it allows employees to use leave to accompany a parent, grandparent, spouse or parent-in-law to long-term care related appointments.

In addition, the law has a stepped approach for implementation.  First, for small employers (those with 5 or fewer employees) the law does not go into effect until January 1, 2018; the effective date for all other employers is January 1, 2017.  Second, through December 31, 2018, employees may only accrue and use up to 24 hours of paid sick leave per year; beginning January 1, 2019, that amount increases to 40 hours per year.

© Copyright 2016 Squire Patton Boggs (US) LLP

California DFEH Announces Guidance to Employers Regarding Transgender Rights in the Workplace

Individuals who identify as transgender are protected under California’s Fair Employment & Housing Act (Cal. Govt. Code §12940)(“FEHA”).  FEHA protection was extended in 2012 to include gender identity and gender expression categories, and defines “gender expression” to mean a “person’s gender-related appearance and behavior whether or not stereotypically associated with the person’s assigned sex at birth.”  Transgender worker rights have received increased attention in recent months as employers attempt to put into place compliant procedures that are sensitive to transgender workers.

On February 17, 2016, the California Department of Fair Employment and Housing (“DFEH”) issued guidelines on transgender rights in the workplace.  As this cutting edge area of law continues to develop, employers would be wise to follow the DFEH common sense recommendations which are summarized below:

Do Not Ask Discriminatory Questions

Finding the right employee can be a challenge for employers.   Interviews of prospective candidates can provide helpful insight as to whether the particular candidate is right for the position.  Employers may ask about an employee’s employment history, and may still ask for personal references and other non-discriminatory questions of prospective employees.  However, an employer should not ask questions designed to detect a person’s sexual orientation or gender identity.  The following questions have been identified by the DFEH as off-limits:

  • Do not ask about marital status, spouse’s name or relation of household members to one another; and

  • Do not ask questions about a person’s body or whether they plan to have surgery because the information is generally prohibited by the Health Insurance Portability and Accountability Act (HIPAA).

Apply Dress Codes and Grooming Standards Equally

The DFEH reminds employers that California law explicitly prohibits an employer from denying an employee the right to dress in a manner suitable for that employee’s gender identity.  Any employer who requires a dress code must enforce it in a non-discriminatory manner.  For example, a transgender man must be allowed to dress in the same manner as a non-transgender man.  Additionally, transgender persons should be treated equally as are non-transgender persons.

Employee Locker Rooms/Restrooms

According to the DFEH, employees in California have the right to use a restroom or locker room that corresponds to the employee’s gender identity, regardless of the employee’s assigned sex at birth.  Where possible, employers should provide an easily accessible unisex single stall bathroom for use by any employee who desires increased privacy.  This can be used by a transgender employee or a non-transgender employee who does not want to share a restroom or locker room with a transgender co-worker.

Summary

It is important to note that FEHA protects transgender employees and those employees who may not be transgender, but may not comport with traditional or stereotypical gender roles.

The DFEH’s guidance reminds California employers that a transgender person does not need to have sex reassignment surgery, or complete any particular step in a gender transition to be protected by the law.  An employer may not condition its treatment or accommodation of a transitioning employee on completion of a particular step in the transition.

Ultimately, while not the binding authority, the DFEH’s message is clear—employers should avoid discriminatory conduct, apply procedures consistently, and follow transgender employee’s lead with respect to their gender identity and expression.  The DFEH guidelines are consistent with the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission’s interpretation that Title VII prohibits discrimination based on sexual orientation and gender identity.

© Polsinelli PC, Polsinelli LLP in California

Trump Trump Trump Trump Trump Trump Everywhere All the Time, Including in Workplace

Ddonald trum larry kingonald Trump has become part of the national conversation. Not a single day goes by now without Mr. Trump filling up at least one news cycle.  His recent success reminds me of a fantastic exchange in Private Parts when a researcher is explaining Howard Stern’s improbable success to the infamous Pi … let’s just call him Phil Vomitz:

Researcher: The average radio listener listens for eighteen minutes. The average Howard Stern fan listens for – are you ready for this? – an hour and twenty minutes.

Phil Vomitz: How can that be?

Researcher: Answer most commonly given? “I want to see what he’ll say next.”

Phil Vomitz: Okay, fine. But what about the people who hate Stern?

Researcher: Good point. The average Stern hater listens for two and a half hours a day.

Phil Vomitz: But… if they hate him, why do they listen?

Researcher: Most common answer? “I want to see what he’ll say next.”

Not surprisingly, not a single day also goes by without a workplace water-cooler (or better yet, chat room) conversation about Mr. Trump (or any of the other presidential candidates.) It can run the spectrum from some friendly banter among co-workers, to a serious dialogue about the issues facing this country, all the way to a heated disagreement coupled with threats of violence.  And it begs the question: how can employers respond to employee political speech in the workplace?  This post addresses that issue.

Few Laws Exist Protecting Employee Political Speech in Private Workplaces

Generally private employers can take adverse actions against employees based on their political speech, unless (i) the employer operates in a state or city that specifically protects employees against discrimination because of political speech, or (ii) the employees are subject to a collective bargaining agreement that does the same.  (The story is quite different for public sector workers, but we do not address them here.)

Many workers live in jurisdictions that provide at least some protection against political speech discrimination – typically in the form of protecting an employee’s political activities, expressions and/or affiliations.  But those laws come in all shapes and sizes, so employers must proceed carefully before banning political speech or disciplining an employee.  For example, Washington D.C.’s human rights law limits its reach to actual or perceived political affiliations only, while Seattle’s law is a bit broader, extending to one’s “political ideology.”  Wisconsin protects those declining to attend a meeting or to participate in any communication about political matters.

More often than not, these laws protect workers from discrimination because of their political activities outside instead of inside the workplace.  For example, with limited exceptions, Colorado law prohibits employers from firing someone because of their lawful off-duty activities, which includes engaging in political speech, and it also prohibits employers from making any rule prohibiting employees from engaging or participating in politics or running for office.  New York’s law protects employees engaging in certain “political activities” outside the workplace, during off hours, but it contains an exception where the employee’s activities would create a “material conflict of interest related to the employer’s trade secrets, proprietary information or other proprietary or business interest.”

There is no federal law that specifically protects employees from discrimination or retaliation because of their political activities, affiliations or expressions.  And the First Amendment is not much of a help as it only protects a person’s right to free speech from government interference, not from interference by private employers.

Therefore, unless you live in a jurisdiction that protects you, if the boss overhears you in the cafeteria campaigning for Team Trump or going haywire for Hillary, he or she can generally send you packing.

Political Speech May Invoke the Protections of Other Laws, However

Of course, it’s a bit more complicated than the above analysis indicates, and will only become more so as the primary, and then general election, season unfolds.  To explain, consider the following hypothetical.

Employees A and B are talking in the break room about the upcoming Democratic debate.  Employee A says to Employee B that Hillary is the only candidate who can deliver on increasing the minimum wage, and “maybe they’ll stop underpaying us here if that happens.”  Employee B disagrees emphatically, placing his bet on Bernie Sanders as the only viable candidate to get the job done, and eventually the conversation turns uncomfortably vocal such that Employee C, an older Hispanic woman, cannot help but overhear Employee B comment to Employee A that he fully expects Hillary Clinton to play the female victim card to stave off criticism about her e-mail scandal.  Employee D, who supervises Employees A, B and C, chimes in and enthusiastically sides with Employee B stating that women always do this, and that Employee A should really stop griping about her wages if “she knew what was good for her.”  Employee E, a senior executive, then gets in on the conversation by professing his love for Trump, including by echoing his views on immigration and in particular, Mexican immigrants, and then he goes on to say that he thinks Hillary is just too old to assume the Commander in Chief Position.  Meanwhile Employees F, G, and H are sitting there stunned with their turkey sandwiches in hand, saying to themselves “awwwwwkward!”

This hypothetical, drawn directly from The Cat in the Hat Comes Back: Workplace Edition, shows that while the employer doesn’t necessarily have a political speech problem on its hands, it may instead have sex, age, race and national origin discrimination and/or NLRA interference complaints coming its way – just from one spirited election-related conversation in the break room.  Yes, politically-related conversations often invoke passionate feelings on both sides of the aisle on issues ostensibly about public policy, but they also often touch on issues that may relate to someone’s membership in a protected class, leaving employers vulnerable to discrimination and other claims.

Potential Employer Responses to Political Speech in the Workplace

As we head into Super or SEC Tuesday and the (17-month+ long!) election season plods along, you should be asking yourself what level of political discourse do you want in your workplace.  Do you want everyone to keep their political opinions to themselves or do you want to encourage robust debate or somewhere in between?  Discussion of politics and campaigning in the workplace puts you on tricky terrain, and may lead to conflict among your employees and thus, wherever you fall on this spectrum, consider addressing these issues in your code of conduct or in your handbook, including more specifically in your anti-discrimination/harassment, complaint reporting, non-solicitation/distribution and social media and electronic use policies.  In doing so, remain mindful of certain laws like the state and local laws mentioned above and the National Labor Relations Act, which restrict your ability to limit certain politically-based conversations/activities in the workplace.

If you will tolerate political discussions in the workplace, consider whether it’s necessary during this election season to conduct workplace professionalism training seminars for all staff members to reduce the likelihood that a healthy debate will turn into a contentious or inappropriate one.  Or consider distributing an election-focused one-pager with helpful talking points.  For example, it may remind employees that a politically-laced, yet well-intentioned conversation, even between the best of friends, can quickly turn contentious, and thus, even though you are not banning such conversations, you are asking your employees to think twice before engaging in one.  Or if the employees do engage in such a conversation, they should be sensitive to others’ beliefs and should not pressure anyone into discussing politics at work.  It also should remind them to utilize your complaint reporting mechanisms if a problem does arise from such a conversation.

Overall, employers should aim for outcomes where employees can engage in a dialogue about important issues, whether in person or electronically, during non-working hours while remaining respectful of others’ points of view and aware of key discrimination and labor laws.  Employees should also understand that they may be subject to discipline for failing to meet your standards of conduct regarding political discourse.  Taking this approach should allow employers to create realistic workplace social conditions, maintain employee morale, and reduce their exposure to a lawsuit.

Lady Murderface and Protected Activity Under NLRA

national labor relations boardHave you seen the story about “Talia Jane”?  I am not sure what qualifies as “going viral” (although I bet my kids do), but since I heard about it, this story may indeed be “viral.”  See, e.g., Here and here.

In a nutshell, Talia used to be a customer-service agent at Yelp.  On February 19, she published a very lengthy “open letter” to Yelp’s CEO on a blog. In her blog post, Talia Jane complains about how she and her fellow low-level employees are struggling to make ends meet.

So here I am, 25-years old, balancing all sorts of debt and trying to pave a life for myself that doesn’t involve crying in the bathtub every week. Every single one of my coworkers is struggling. They’re taking side jobs, they’re living at home. One of them started a GoFundMe because she couldn’t pay her rent. She ended up leaving the company and moving east, somewhere the minimum wage could double as a living wage.

The post is as much a commentary about the inadequate minimum wage in San Francisco (and its high cost of living) as it is a complaint about her (perceived inadequate) pay at Yelp.  Her post is full of snark. (For example, Talia Jane writes:  “According to this website, you’ve got a pretty nice house in the east bay. Have you ever been stranded inside a CVS because you can’t afford to get to work? How much do you pay your gardeners to keep that lawn and lovely backyard looking so neat?”)

She was fired later that day, although Yelp is not publicly saying why. Assuming the reason for her termination was the blog post, does Talia Jane have a claim that under the National Labor Relations Act (NLRA) she was engaging in protected activity?

As the National Labor Relations Board (NLRB) states on its website, the NLRA “gives employees the right to act together to try to improve their pay and working conditions, with or without a union. If employees are fired, suspended, or otherwise penalized for taking part in protected group activity, the National Labor Relations Board will fight to restore what was unlawfully taken away.”

Again, from the NLRB website, the inquiry will involve three questions:

Is the activity concerted?

Generally, this requires two or more employees acting together to improve wages or working conditions, but the action of a single employee may be considered concerted if he or she involves co-workers before acting, or acts on behalf of others.

Does it seek to benefit other employees?

Will the improvements sought – whether in pay, hours, safety, workload, or other terms of employment – benefit more than just the employee taking action?  Or is the action more along the lines of a personal gripe, which is not protected?

Is it carried out in a way that causes it to lose protection?

Reckless or malicious behavior, such as sabotaging equipment, threatening violence, spreading lies about a product, or revealing trade secrets, may cause concerted activity to lose its protection.

Since 2011, the NLRB has dedicated much time to addressing companies’ social media policies in the non-union context.  For the most part, it has expanded the definition of concerted activity in social media.  See, e.g., Hispanics United of Buffalo, Inc. v Carlos Ortiz, NLRB No. 3-CA-27872 (Sept. 2, 2011), aff’d 359 NLRB No. 37 (Dec. 14, 2012) (holding that five employees engaged in protected concerted activity by posting Facebook comments that responded to a co-worker’s criticism of their job performance); Costco Wholesale Corp., 358 NLRB No. 106 (Sept. 7, 2012) (invalidating a company’s electronic posting policy that prohibited employees from making statements that “damage the Company…or damage any person’s reputation,” because it could chill employees’ willingness to engage in their right of concerted activity); Three D, LLC v. N.L.R.B., No. 14-3284 (2d Cir. Oct. 21, 2015) (holding that employees’ endorsement of former employee’s claim on social networking website that employer had erred in tax withholding was concerted activity protected by NLRA).  Still, employers may discipline or even terminate employees for personal rants and insults on social media that do not engage other employees.

Talia Jane knew that her post might cost her job.  (After she tweeted her blog post to the world – from her “Lady Murderface” twitter handle – she followed up with this tweet:  “might lose my job for this so it’d be cool if u shared so i could go out in a blaze of…..people knowing why i got fired?”)  In fact, given Lady Murderface’s expressed desire to work in media, I think it is a safe bet she wanted to get fired.

But back to the question at hand: what happens if Talia Jane makes a claim against Yelp?  Although we don’t know all the facts, it could be a close call.

Is the activity concerted? On the one hand, there was no “concerted activity.”  Talia Jane was acting alone.  On the other hand, Talia Jane arguably was acting not only on her own behalf but other low-level Yelp workers struggling to make ends meet.

Does it seek to benefit other employees? To the extent she is advocating for higher pay generally, yes.

Is it carried out in a way that causes it to lose protection? If the answer to the first question does not doom her, Talia Jane could run into problems here.  While ranting about the lack of training, poor retention, and inadequate pay, Talia Jane writes:

Speaking of that whole training thing, do you know what the average retention rate of your lowest employees (like myself) are? Because I haven’t been here very long, but it seems like every week the faces change. …  Do you know how many cash coupons I used to give out before I was properly trained? In one month, I gave out over $600 to customers for a variety of issues. Now, since getting more training, I’ve given out about $15 in the past three months because I’ve been able to de-escalate messed up situations using just my customer service skills. Do you think that’s coincidence? Or is the goal to have these free bleeders who throw money at angry customers to calm them down set the standard for the whole company?

I have never called Yelp to complain, but if I ever do, I guess I should look for a cash coupon.  Who knew Yelp’s customer-service team was full of “free bleeders [who] throw money at angry customers”?

My hunch is that Talia Jane won’t make a claim — I doubt she wants her job restored — and instead will ride this wave of publicity to a job she finds more satisfying.  Nevertheless, this case serves as an important reminder regarding the potential landmines that social media presents to employers.  Employers and their counsel should approach disciplinary decisions involving social media with caution, and should make sure that any decisions focus on activity that is not protected under the NLRA.