California DFEH Announces Guidance to Employers Regarding Transgender Rights in the Workplace

Individuals who identify as transgender are protected under California’s Fair Employment & Housing Act (Cal. Govt. Code §12940)(“FEHA”).  FEHA protection was extended in 2012 to include gender identity and gender expression categories, and defines “gender expression” to mean a “person’s gender-related appearance and behavior whether or not stereotypically associated with the person’s assigned sex at birth.”  Transgender worker rights have received increased attention in recent months as employers attempt to put into place compliant procedures that are sensitive to transgender workers.

On February 17, 2016, the California Department of Fair Employment and Housing (“DFEH”) issued guidelines on transgender rights in the workplace.  As this cutting edge area of law continues to develop, employers would be wise to follow the DFEH common sense recommendations which are summarized below:

Do Not Ask Discriminatory Questions

Finding the right employee can be a challenge for employers.   Interviews of prospective candidates can provide helpful insight as to whether the particular candidate is right for the position.  Employers may ask about an employee’s employment history, and may still ask for personal references and other non-discriminatory questions of prospective employees.  However, an employer should not ask questions designed to detect a person’s sexual orientation or gender identity.  The following questions have been identified by the DFEH as off-limits:

  • Do not ask about marital status, spouse’s name or relation of household members to one another; and

  • Do not ask questions about a person’s body or whether they plan to have surgery because the information is generally prohibited by the Health Insurance Portability and Accountability Act (HIPAA).

Apply Dress Codes and Grooming Standards Equally

The DFEH reminds employers that California law explicitly prohibits an employer from denying an employee the right to dress in a manner suitable for that employee’s gender identity.  Any employer who requires a dress code must enforce it in a non-discriminatory manner.  For example, a transgender man must be allowed to dress in the same manner as a non-transgender man.  Additionally, transgender persons should be treated equally as are non-transgender persons.

Employee Locker Rooms/Restrooms

According to the DFEH, employees in California have the right to use a restroom or locker room that corresponds to the employee’s gender identity, regardless of the employee’s assigned sex at birth.  Where possible, employers should provide an easily accessible unisex single stall bathroom for use by any employee who desires increased privacy.  This can be used by a transgender employee or a non-transgender employee who does not want to share a restroom or locker room with a transgender co-worker.

Summary

It is important to note that FEHA protects transgender employees and those employees who may not be transgender, but may not comport with traditional or stereotypical gender roles.

The DFEH’s guidance reminds California employers that a transgender person does not need to have sex reassignment surgery, or complete any particular step in a gender transition to be protected by the law.  An employer may not condition its treatment or accommodation of a transitioning employee on completion of a particular step in the transition.

Ultimately, while not the binding authority, the DFEH’s message is clear—employers should avoid discriminatory conduct, apply procedures consistently, and follow transgender employee’s lead with respect to their gender identity and expression.  The DFEH guidelines are consistent with the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission’s interpretation that Title VII prohibits discrimination based on sexual orientation and gender identity.

© Polsinelli PC, Polsinelli LLP in California

Trump Trump Trump Trump Trump Trump Everywhere All the Time, Including in Workplace

Ddonald trum larry kingonald Trump has become part of the national conversation. Not a single day goes by now without Mr. Trump filling up at least one news cycle.  His recent success reminds me of a fantastic exchange in Private Parts when a researcher is explaining Howard Stern’s improbable success to the infamous Pi … let’s just call him Phil Vomitz:

Researcher: The average radio listener listens for eighteen minutes. The average Howard Stern fan listens for – are you ready for this? – an hour and twenty minutes.

Phil Vomitz: How can that be?

Researcher: Answer most commonly given? “I want to see what he’ll say next.”

Phil Vomitz: Okay, fine. But what about the people who hate Stern?

Researcher: Good point. The average Stern hater listens for two and a half hours a day.

Phil Vomitz: But… if they hate him, why do they listen?

Researcher: Most common answer? “I want to see what he’ll say next.”

Not surprisingly, not a single day also goes by without a workplace water-cooler (or better yet, chat room) conversation about Mr. Trump (or any of the other presidential candidates.) It can run the spectrum from some friendly banter among co-workers, to a serious dialogue about the issues facing this country, all the way to a heated disagreement coupled with threats of violence.  And it begs the question: how can employers respond to employee political speech in the workplace?  This post addresses that issue.

Few Laws Exist Protecting Employee Political Speech in Private Workplaces

Generally private employers can take adverse actions against employees based on their political speech, unless (i) the employer operates in a state or city that specifically protects employees against discrimination because of political speech, or (ii) the employees are subject to a collective bargaining agreement that does the same.  (The story is quite different for public sector workers, but we do not address them here.)

Many workers live in jurisdictions that provide at least some protection against political speech discrimination – typically in the form of protecting an employee’s political activities, expressions and/or affiliations.  But those laws come in all shapes and sizes, so employers must proceed carefully before banning political speech or disciplining an employee.  For example, Washington D.C.’s human rights law limits its reach to actual or perceived political affiliations only, while Seattle’s law is a bit broader, extending to one’s “political ideology.”  Wisconsin protects those declining to attend a meeting or to participate in any communication about political matters.

More often than not, these laws protect workers from discrimination because of their political activities outside instead of inside the workplace.  For example, with limited exceptions, Colorado law prohibits employers from firing someone because of their lawful off-duty activities, which includes engaging in political speech, and it also prohibits employers from making any rule prohibiting employees from engaging or participating in politics or running for office.  New York’s law protects employees engaging in certain “political activities” outside the workplace, during off hours, but it contains an exception where the employee’s activities would create a “material conflict of interest related to the employer’s trade secrets, proprietary information or other proprietary or business interest.”

There is no federal law that specifically protects employees from discrimination or retaliation because of their political activities, affiliations or expressions.  And the First Amendment is not much of a help as it only protects a person’s right to free speech from government interference, not from interference by private employers.

Therefore, unless you live in a jurisdiction that protects you, if the boss overhears you in the cafeteria campaigning for Team Trump or going haywire for Hillary, he or she can generally send you packing.

Political Speech May Invoke the Protections of Other Laws, However

Of course, it’s a bit more complicated than the above analysis indicates, and will only become more so as the primary, and then general election, season unfolds.  To explain, consider the following hypothetical.

Employees A and B are talking in the break room about the upcoming Democratic debate.  Employee A says to Employee B that Hillary is the only candidate who can deliver on increasing the minimum wage, and “maybe they’ll stop underpaying us here if that happens.”  Employee B disagrees emphatically, placing his bet on Bernie Sanders as the only viable candidate to get the job done, and eventually the conversation turns uncomfortably vocal such that Employee C, an older Hispanic woman, cannot help but overhear Employee B comment to Employee A that he fully expects Hillary Clinton to play the female victim card to stave off criticism about her e-mail scandal.  Employee D, who supervises Employees A, B and C, chimes in and enthusiastically sides with Employee B stating that women always do this, and that Employee A should really stop griping about her wages if “she knew what was good for her.”  Employee E, a senior executive, then gets in on the conversation by professing his love for Trump, including by echoing his views on immigration and in particular, Mexican immigrants, and then he goes on to say that he thinks Hillary is just too old to assume the Commander in Chief Position.  Meanwhile Employees F, G, and H are sitting there stunned with their turkey sandwiches in hand, saying to themselves “awwwwwkward!”

This hypothetical, drawn directly from The Cat in the Hat Comes Back: Workplace Edition, shows that while the employer doesn’t necessarily have a political speech problem on its hands, it may instead have sex, age, race and national origin discrimination and/or NLRA interference complaints coming its way – just from one spirited election-related conversation in the break room.  Yes, politically-related conversations often invoke passionate feelings on both sides of the aisle on issues ostensibly about public policy, but they also often touch on issues that may relate to someone’s membership in a protected class, leaving employers vulnerable to discrimination and other claims.

Potential Employer Responses to Political Speech in the Workplace

As we head into Super or SEC Tuesday and the (17-month+ long!) election season plods along, you should be asking yourself what level of political discourse do you want in your workplace.  Do you want everyone to keep their political opinions to themselves or do you want to encourage robust debate or somewhere in between?  Discussion of politics and campaigning in the workplace puts you on tricky terrain, and may lead to conflict among your employees and thus, wherever you fall on this spectrum, consider addressing these issues in your code of conduct or in your handbook, including more specifically in your anti-discrimination/harassment, complaint reporting, non-solicitation/distribution and social media and electronic use policies.  In doing so, remain mindful of certain laws like the state and local laws mentioned above and the National Labor Relations Act, which restrict your ability to limit certain politically-based conversations/activities in the workplace.

If you will tolerate political discussions in the workplace, consider whether it’s necessary during this election season to conduct workplace professionalism training seminars for all staff members to reduce the likelihood that a healthy debate will turn into a contentious or inappropriate one.  Or consider distributing an election-focused one-pager with helpful talking points.  For example, it may remind employees that a politically-laced, yet well-intentioned conversation, even between the best of friends, can quickly turn contentious, and thus, even though you are not banning such conversations, you are asking your employees to think twice before engaging in one.  Or if the employees do engage in such a conversation, they should be sensitive to others’ beliefs and should not pressure anyone into discussing politics at work.  It also should remind them to utilize your complaint reporting mechanisms if a problem does arise from such a conversation.

Overall, employers should aim for outcomes where employees can engage in a dialogue about important issues, whether in person or electronically, during non-working hours while remaining respectful of others’ points of view and aware of key discrimination and labor laws.  Employees should also understand that they may be subject to discipline for failing to meet your standards of conduct regarding political discourse.  Taking this approach should allow employers to create realistic workplace social conditions, maintain employee morale, and reduce their exposure to a lawsuit.

Lady Murderface and Protected Activity Under NLRA

national labor relations boardHave you seen the story about “Talia Jane”?  I am not sure what qualifies as “going viral” (although I bet my kids do), but since I heard about it, this story may indeed be “viral.”  See, e.g., Here and here.

In a nutshell, Talia used to be a customer-service agent at Yelp.  On February 19, she published a very lengthy “open letter” to Yelp’s CEO on a blog. In her blog post, Talia Jane complains about how she and her fellow low-level employees are struggling to make ends meet.

So here I am, 25-years old, balancing all sorts of debt and trying to pave a life for myself that doesn’t involve crying in the bathtub every week. Every single one of my coworkers is struggling. They’re taking side jobs, they’re living at home. One of them started a GoFundMe because she couldn’t pay her rent. She ended up leaving the company and moving east, somewhere the minimum wage could double as a living wage.

The post is as much a commentary about the inadequate minimum wage in San Francisco (and its high cost of living) as it is a complaint about her (perceived inadequate) pay at Yelp.  Her post is full of snark. (For example, Talia Jane writes:  “According to this website, you’ve got a pretty nice house in the east bay. Have you ever been stranded inside a CVS because you can’t afford to get to work? How much do you pay your gardeners to keep that lawn and lovely backyard looking so neat?”)

She was fired later that day, although Yelp is not publicly saying why. Assuming the reason for her termination was the blog post, does Talia Jane have a claim that under the National Labor Relations Act (NLRA) she was engaging in protected activity?

As the National Labor Relations Board (NLRB) states on its website, the NLRA “gives employees the right to act together to try to improve their pay and working conditions, with or without a union. If employees are fired, suspended, or otherwise penalized for taking part in protected group activity, the National Labor Relations Board will fight to restore what was unlawfully taken away.”

Again, from the NLRB website, the inquiry will involve three questions:

Is the activity concerted?

Generally, this requires two or more employees acting together to improve wages or working conditions, but the action of a single employee may be considered concerted if he or she involves co-workers before acting, or acts on behalf of others.

Does it seek to benefit other employees?

Will the improvements sought – whether in pay, hours, safety, workload, or other terms of employment – benefit more than just the employee taking action?  Or is the action more along the lines of a personal gripe, which is not protected?

Is it carried out in a way that causes it to lose protection?

Reckless or malicious behavior, such as sabotaging equipment, threatening violence, spreading lies about a product, or revealing trade secrets, may cause concerted activity to lose its protection.

Since 2011, the NLRB has dedicated much time to addressing companies’ social media policies in the non-union context.  For the most part, it has expanded the definition of concerted activity in social media.  See, e.g., Hispanics United of Buffalo, Inc. v Carlos Ortiz, NLRB No. 3-CA-27872 (Sept. 2, 2011), aff’d 359 NLRB No. 37 (Dec. 14, 2012) (holding that five employees engaged in protected concerted activity by posting Facebook comments that responded to a co-worker’s criticism of their job performance); Costco Wholesale Corp., 358 NLRB No. 106 (Sept. 7, 2012) (invalidating a company’s electronic posting policy that prohibited employees from making statements that “damage the Company…or damage any person’s reputation,” because it could chill employees’ willingness to engage in their right of concerted activity); Three D, LLC v. N.L.R.B., No. 14-3284 (2d Cir. Oct. 21, 2015) (holding that employees’ endorsement of former employee’s claim on social networking website that employer had erred in tax withholding was concerted activity protected by NLRA).  Still, employers may discipline or even terminate employees for personal rants and insults on social media that do not engage other employees.

Talia Jane knew that her post might cost her job.  (After she tweeted her blog post to the world – from her “Lady Murderface” twitter handle – she followed up with this tweet:  “might lose my job for this so it’d be cool if u shared so i could go out in a blaze of…..people knowing why i got fired?”)  In fact, given Lady Murderface’s expressed desire to work in media, I think it is a safe bet she wanted to get fired.

But back to the question at hand: what happens if Talia Jane makes a claim against Yelp?  Although we don’t know all the facts, it could be a close call.

Is the activity concerted? On the one hand, there was no “concerted activity.”  Talia Jane was acting alone.  On the other hand, Talia Jane arguably was acting not only on her own behalf but other low-level Yelp workers struggling to make ends meet.

Does it seek to benefit other employees? To the extent she is advocating for higher pay generally, yes.

Is it carried out in a way that causes it to lose protection? If the answer to the first question does not doom her, Talia Jane could run into problems here.  While ranting about the lack of training, poor retention, and inadequate pay, Talia Jane writes:

Speaking of that whole training thing, do you know what the average retention rate of your lowest employees (like myself) are? Because I haven’t been here very long, but it seems like every week the faces change. …  Do you know how many cash coupons I used to give out before I was properly trained? In one month, I gave out over $600 to customers for a variety of issues. Now, since getting more training, I’ve given out about $15 in the past three months because I’ve been able to de-escalate messed up situations using just my customer service skills. Do you think that’s coincidence? Or is the goal to have these free bleeders who throw money at angry customers to calm them down set the standard for the whole company?

I have never called Yelp to complain, but if I ever do, I guess I should look for a cash coupon.  Who knew Yelp’s customer-service team was full of “free bleeders [who] throw money at angry customers”?

My hunch is that Talia Jane won’t make a claim — I doubt she wants her job restored — and instead will ride this wave of publicity to a job she finds more satisfying.  Nevertheless, this case serves as an important reminder regarding the potential landmines that social media presents to employers.  Employers and their counsel should approach disciplinary decisions involving social media with caution, and should make sure that any decisions focus on activity that is not protected under the NLRA.

Dave & Busted? Reductions in Employee Work Schedules May Not Negate Employer’s ACA Health Coverage Mandate

Under the Affordable Care Act (ACA), employers with at least 50 full-time employees (“FTEs) must generally offer qualifying health insurance to all employees who work at least 30 hours or more per week. A company that fails to satisfy this so-called “employer mandate” faces the possibility of significant penalties under the ACA. As a result, the ACA amplifies many risks for companies with respect to their employment classifications and the delivery of health care benefits to their employees.

ACA Implications for Employers

In response to these uncertainties, some employers have gone so far as to reduce the hourly work schedules of some employees to less than 30 hours per week to avoid any additional costs under the ACA employer mandate.  In what is believed to be a case of first impression, the plaintiffs in Marin v. Dave & Buster’s, Inc., S.D.N.Y., No. 1:15-cv-036081 challenged their employer over the reductions to their work schedules by filing a class action suit in federal court in May 2015. Specifically, current and former employees alleged that Dave & Buster’s, the national restaurant chain, violated the protections under Section 510 of the Employee Retirement Income Security Act (“ERISA”) by intentionally interfering with their eligibility for benefits under the company’s health plan. They also claimed damages for lost wages and demanded the restoration of their health coverage, as well as reimbursement of their out-of-pocket medical costs.

In response to the lawsuit, Dave & Buster’s filed a motion to dismiss and argued that the plaintiffs’ ERISA Section 510 claim failed as a matter of law because there was no guaranteed “accrued benefit” over future health insurance coverage for hours not yet worked.  On February 9, 2016, the United States District Court for the Southern District of New York denied the company’s motion to dismiss.  The court found that the complaint “sufficiently and plausibly” alleged enough facts to support a possible finding that Dave & Buster’s intentionally interfered with the plaintiffs’ rights to receive benefits under the company’s health plan. The court noted that the complaint referenced specific e-mails and other communications that the plaintiffs allegedly received when their work schedules were reduced, as well as public statements by senior executives and disclosures in the company’s securities filings, which overtly explained that the workforce management protocols were instituted to thwart the potential impact of the ACA on the company’s bottom line.

While the decision on the motion to dismiss does not necessarily mean that the employer will ultimately lose, it does signal the court’s willingness to allow the plaintiffs to develop their legal theories in subsequent court filings. One can also question the impact to the court, at least initially, of the company’s open and obvious disclosures about its reasoning for reducing the employees’ work schedules.  Based on the strong wording of the court’s ruling, however, these obvious and seemingly bold statements certainly did not help the company’s request for an early exit from this case.  As a result, the court may eventually allow robust discovery which could, of course, be cumbersome and expensive for the company.

Takeaways for Employers

In light of this case development, companies that are subject to the ACA employer mandate should review their compliance strategies now to address any risks with their employment classifications and the delivery of future health care benefits to their FTEs, and also take heed in the manner as to how they communicate any reductions in employees’ work schedules.

© Polsinelli PC, Polsinelli LLP in California

Dave & Busted? Reductions in Employee Work Schedules May Not Negate Employer’s ACA Health Coverage Mandate

Under the Affordable Care Act (ACA), employers with at least 50 full-time employees (“FTEs) must generally offer qualifying health insurance to all employees who work at least 30 hours or more per week. A company that fails to satisfy this so-called “employer mandate” faces the possibility of significant penalties under the ACA. As a result, the ACA amplifies many risks for companies with respect to their employment classifications and the delivery of health care benefits to their employees.

ACA Implications for Employers

In response to these uncertainties, some employers have gone so far as to reduce the hourly work schedules of some employees to less than 30 hours per week to avoid any additional costs under the ACA employer mandate.  In what is believed to be a case of first impression, the plaintiffs in Marin v. Dave & Buster’s, Inc., S.D.N.Y., No. 1:15-cv-036081 challenged their employer over the reductions to their work schedules by filing a class action suit in federal court in May 2015. Specifically, current and former employees alleged that Dave & Buster’s, the national restaurant chain, violated the protections under Section 510 of the Employee Retirement Income Security Act (“ERISA”) by intentionally interfering with their eligibility for benefits under the company’s health plan. They also claimed damages for lost wages and demanded the restoration of their health coverage, as well as reimbursement of their out-of-pocket medical costs.

In response to the lawsuit, Dave & Buster’s filed a motion to dismiss and argued that the plaintiffs’ ERISA Section 510 claim failed as a matter of law because there was no guaranteed “accrued benefit” over future health insurance coverage for hours not yet worked.  On February 9, 2016, the United States District Court for the Southern District of New York denied the company’s motion to dismiss.  The court found that the complaint “sufficiently and plausibly” alleged enough facts to support a possible finding that Dave & Buster’s intentionally interfered with the plaintiffs’ rights to receive benefits under the company’s health plan. The court noted that the complaint referenced specific e-mails and other communications that the plaintiffs allegedly received when their work schedules were reduced, as well as public statements by senior executives and disclosures in the company’s securities filings, which overtly explained that the workforce management protocols were instituted to thwart the potential impact of the ACA on the company’s bottom line.

While the decision on the motion to dismiss does not necessarily mean that the employer will ultimately lose, it does signal the court’s willingness to allow the plaintiffs to develop their legal theories in subsequent court filings. One can also question the impact to the court, at least initially, of the company’s open and obvious disclosures about its reasoning for reducing the employees’ work schedules.  Based on the strong wording of the court’s ruling, however, these obvious and seemingly bold statements certainly did not help the company’s request for an early exit from this case.  As a result, the court may eventually allow robust discovery which could, of course, be cumbersome and expensive for the company.

Takeaways for Employers

In light of this case development, companies that are subject to the ACA employer mandate should review their compliance strategies now to address any risks with their employment classifications and the delivery of future health care benefits to their FTEs, and also take heed in the manner as to how they communicate any reductions in employees’ work schedules.

© Polsinelli PC, Polsinelli LLP in California

Medical Marijuana Need Not Be Accommodated by New Mexico Employers

New Mexico employers are not required to accommodate an employee’s use of medical marijuana, according to the federal district court in New Mexico. In dismissing an employee’s discrimination lawsuit, the Court recently ruled that an employee terminated for testing positive for marijuana did not have a cause of action against his employer for failure to accommodate his use of medical marijuana to treat his HIV/AIDS. Garcia v. Tractor Supply Co., No. 15-735, (D.N.M. Jan. 7, 2016).

New Employee Terminated For Positive Drug Test 

When Rojerio Garcia interviewed for a management position at a New Mexico Tractor Supply store, he was up front about having HIV/AIDS. He also explained that he used medical marijuana under the state’s Medical Cannabis Program as a treatment for his condition upon recommendation of his doctor.

Tractor Supply hired Garcia and sent him for a drug test; Garcia tested positive for cannabis metabolites. He was terminated from employment. Garcia filed a complaint with the New Mexico Human Rights Division alleging unlawful discrimination based on Tractor Supply’s failure to accommodate his legal use of marijuana to treat his serious medical condition under New Mexico law. 

No Affirmative Accommodation Requirements in New Mexico’s Medical Marijuana Law

Garcia argued that New Mexico’s Compassionate Use Act (CUA), which permits the use of marijuana for medical purposes with a state-issued Patient Identification Card, should be considered in combination with the state Human Rights Act, which, among other things, prohibits employers from discriminating on the basis of a serious medical condition. He argued that the CUA makes medical marijuana an accommodation promoted by the public policy of New Mexico. Accordingly, Garcia asserted that employers must accommodate an employee’s use of medical marijuana under the New Mexico Human Rights Act.

The Court disagreed. It stated that, unlike a few other states whose medical marijuana laws impose an affirmative obligation on employers to accommodate medical marijuana use, New Mexico’s law did not. Consequently, Garcia did not have a claim under the CUA.

The Court then rejected Garcia’s arguments that his termination violated the Human Rights Act. The Court found that Garcia was not terminated because of, or on the basis of, his serious medical condition. He was terminated for failing a drug test. The Court stated that his use of marijuana was “not a manifestation” of his HIV/AIDS, so Tractor Supply did not unlawfully discriminate against Garcia when it terminated him for his positive drug test. 

Court Rejected Public Policy Arguments 

Garcia argued that the public policy behind the state’s legalization of medical marijuana meant that employers should be required to accommodate an employee’s legal use of marijuana. The Court rejected the argument, noting that marijuana use remains illegal for any purpose under federal law. It stated that if it accepted Garcia’s public policy position, Tractor Supply, which has stores in 49 states, would have to tailor its drug-free workplace policy for each state that permits marijuana use in some form.

The Court also relied on the fact that the CUA only provides limited state-law immunity from prosecution for individuals who comply with state medical marijuana law. However, Garcia was not seeking state-law immunity for his marijuana use. Instead, he sought to affirmatively require Tractor Supply to accommodate his marijuana use. The Court stated that to affirmatively require Tractor Supply to accommodate Garcia’s drug use would require the company to permit conduct prohibited under federal law. Therefore, the Court ruled that New Mexico employers are not required to accommodate an employee’s use of medical marijuana.

What This Means For Employers

The Tractor Supply decision is consistent with rulings from courts in other states that have similarly ruled that an employer may lawfully terminate an employee who tests positive for marijuana. Although Garcia may appeal this decision, it is difficult to imagine that an appellate court will overturn it as long as marijuana use remains illegal under federal law, and state law does not require a workplace accommodation.

In light of this decision, take time now to review your drug-free workplace and drug testing policies. Make certain that your policies apply to all controlled substances, whether illegal under state or federal law. Clearly state that a positive drug test may result in termination of employment, regardless of whether the employee uses medical marijuana during working hours or appears to be “under the influence” at work. Communicate your drug-free workplace and testing policies to employees and train your supervisors and managers on enforcing the policies in a consistent and uniform manner.

Groundhog Day: Declaring Impending Death of Massachusetts Noncompetes

or the last three years, we have reported on legislative efforts to ban noncompetes in Massachusetts. You can see a sample of those reports here and here. Thus far none of those efforts have been successful. Here again in 2016, legislative efforts to ban noncompetes promise to continue in Massachusetts, with one commentator declaring, “This is the year.”

Our job as business lawyers is to advise clients on how widely varying state laws affect their ability to use noncompetes, then they can make their business decisions from there. Different businesses take very different views on noncompetes, as those seeking to ban them in Massachusetts have learned. Therefore, our job does not drive any particular policy position on noncompetes. However, I have observed that opponents seem quick to share stories about stories about seeming extreme noncompetes (certainly they exist but good luck enforcing them) and/or declare noncompetes’ ongoing decline (they’re not) and/or say they have a negative impact on the economy (I’m still waiting for proof of what the impact may be, pro or con) – none of those things always supported by facts and data.

The above-linked commentator has “heard” that noncompetes have prevented 19 year olds from switching employment at summer camps. I have not seen that, directly or indirectly, and it seems that it would be difficult even in a pro-enforcement state like Ohio to enforce such a noncompete. But it certainly makes a nice story, even if it may jeopardize the support of the summer camp trade association for the legislation.

The commentator also talks about the “stifling effect” noncompetes have on the Massachusetts economy, though I do not see any data supporting that conclusion. I am no economist either, but my first result in a Google search lists Massachusetts as the 6th best economy among states in the last quarter of 2015. Just think how highly the state would be ranked if its economy were not stifled.

Maybe this is the year for Massachusetts; we will see. In any event, we will continue to watch developments by state, some of which will be pro-enforcement and some of which will not, and keep you posted on how it affects your businesses.

© 2016 BARNES & THORNBURG LLP

EEOC Proposes Rule Requiring Employers to Disclose Pay Data on EEO-1 Forms and Key Recent Pro-Employee Changes in New York State’s and New York City’s Employment Laws and Regulations

EEOC EEO-1 Form Pay Data Requirement Raises Risks for Management

In a proposed regulation announced on January 29, 2015, the U.S. Equal Employment Opportunity Commission set forth changes that would require federal contractors and all other private-sector employers throughout the nation of more than 100 employees to report wage and salary data on their annual EEO-1 Forms. This new rule would mandate that such employers disclose compensation ranges and hours worked on their EEO-1 Forms, which already must contain data on employees’ gender, ethnicity, and race.

The Commission’s plans to require management to submit this data is part of the Obama Administration’s aggressive efforts to enforce the federal Equal Pay Act and other fair employment statutes and to promote pay equity in the workplace. Complying with the new regulation would require employers to spend substantial additional time and resources in gathering compensation information, which often involves many variables, and then organizing it into the format that the EEOC will mandate. Reporting this data to the EEOC would give the U.S. Government data without context and may lead to burdensome Commission investigations and enforcement actions based on misunderstandings of incomplete compensation information. Further, even though EEO-1 data enjoys some protections, the confidential status of employers’compensation information will now be vulnerable either to Freedom of Information Act requests or to kind of hacking attacks to which the federal government, with its antiquated IT systems in agencies such as the EEOC, has already suffered.

In sum, employers in New Jersey, New York, and around the country would become subject to higher EEOC scrutiny of their payroll practices, would face more Commission inquiries and litigations, would have to expend additional resources to complete EEO-1 Forms, and would need to live with a higher risk that their competitors will be able to obtain the confidential compensation data that the new rule would require management to submit each year to the EEOC.

Key Pro-Employee Changes in New York State and New York City Employment Laws and Regulations

New York State and New York City made significant changes in their labor and employment laws and regulations last year and this month. The NYS Legislature enacted, and Governor Cuomo signed, key revisions to laws that affect management throughout New York State. Mayor de Blasio and the City Council expanded local laws that further burden employers in the City. These important developments include:

A. New York State Women’s Equality Agenda

The Women’s Equality Agenda that went into effect on January 19, 2016 significantly amended New York State’s sex discrimination, sexual harassment, and equal pay laws to afford women greater protection in the workplace. These new statutes promoting gender equality in New York State include provisions that:

1. Amend New York State’s Equal Pay Act to require that an employer which pays lower wages to women than to men, for a job of equal skill, effort, and responsibility, demonstrate that such disparity is due to a bona fide factor other than sex, such as education, training, or experience, and that the difference in pay is job related and consistent with business necessity.

2. Make it unlawful for employers, in general, to prohibit employees from discussing or disclosing their wages — a new provision which affects both women and men.

3. Significantly increase the penalties for New York State Equal Pay Act violations by allowing employees to recover liquidated damages of three times (300%) the unlawfully unpaid wages, in addition to making the employee whole by requiring payment of the unpaid wages.

4. Allow a court to award attorneys’ fees to a prevailing plaintiff in sexual harassment and other sex discrimination actions.

5. Add familial status as a protected class under the New York State Human Rights Law. This new provision applies equally to men and women who are parents or guardians.

6. Expand the New York State Human Rights Law’s coverage of sexual harassment claims to all employers, including employers of from one to three employees who were not previously covered.

7. Require employers to provide reasonable accommodation for pregnancy-related medical conditions.

B. New NYS and NYC Protections for Transgender Individuals

1. Earlier this month, the New York State Division of Human Rights adopted regulations that make discrimination on the basis of a person being transgender unlawful under the New York State Human Rights Law. These regulations also prohibit harassment of transgender persons and require New York employers to reasonably accommodate employees who have been diagnosed with a “gender dysphoria” medical condition.

2. On December 21, 2015, the New York City Commission on Human Rights issued new enforcement guidelines on discrimination against transgender individuals, which the New York City Human Rights Law prohibits. The guidelines provide for penalties of up to $250,000 for violations that are found to be willful, wanton, or malicious.

C. New NYC Protections for Caregivers

1. The New York City Council has amended the New York City Human Rights Law to include caregiver as a protected class. The new local legislation, which Mayor de Blasio signed on January 5, 2016, defines caregivers as persons who provide direct and ongoing care for a minor child or a care recipient, such as a relative or individual with a disability who resides in the caregiver’s household. This amendment will go into effect on May 4, 2016.

© Copyright 2016 Sills Cummis & Gross P.C.

2015 Union Membership Rate Relatively Stable Despite New NLRB Election Rules

national labor relations boardDespite the National Labor Relations Board’s “quickie election rules,” the percentage of unionized workers in the private sector remained stable during 2015, according to the Bureau of Labor Statistics of the U.S. Department of Labor: 6.7% of private-sector workers were in unions in 2015, up from 6.6% in 2014. Not surprisingly, public-sector workers had a much higher union membership rate: 35.2%.

According to the report, men had a higher union membership rate than women: 11.5% versus 10.6%. In addition, the percentage of African-American workers who were union members was greater than Caucasian workers.

New York (24.6%), Alaska (22.8%), and Hawaii (21.8%) had the highest unionization rates, whereas South Carolina (2.2%), Mississippi (3.7%), and Utah (3.7%) had the lowest.

The report found the median weekly earnings of nonunion workers were lower than the median weekly earnings for unionized workers ($776 per week versus $980 per week). The report, however, recognizes that this comparison may not be valid because the “comparisons of earnings in [the] release are on a broad level and do not control for many factors that can be important in explaining earnings differences.” Indeed, this is likely the case.

Jackson Lewis P.C. © 2016

EEOC Releases New Guidance on Rights of HIV-Positive Employees Applicable to Health Care Providers and Employers

In December 2015, the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission (EEOC) released new guidance for job applicants and employees with HIV infection that is particularly applicable to employers in the health care industry.  This guidance is applicable not only to applicants and current employees with HIV infection, but also to physicians and other health care providers who treat individuals with HIV infection to the extent their assistance is requested in obtaining workplace accommodations.

The first publication, “Living with HIV Infection: Your Legal Rights in the Workplace Under the ADA,” discusses rights provided under the Americans with Disabilities Act (ADA).  Although the guidance is directed to applicants and employees with HIV infection, there are key takeaways for employers.  First, the EEOC emphasizes the workplace privacy rights of those with HIV infection, but reminds individuals that in certain situations an employer may ask medical questions about their condition.  Second, HIV infection should be treated as a disability and HIV-positive individuals are protected against discrimination and harassment at work because of the condition.  Finally, those with HIV infection may have a legal right to reasonable accommodations at work, which may include altered break and work schedules, changes in supervisory methods (e.g., written instructions from a supervisor), accommodations for visual impairments, ergonomic office furniture, unpaid time off (e.g., for treatment), and reassignment to a vacant position.

The second publication, “Helping Patients with HIV Infection Who Need Accommodations at Work,” informs physicians about their HIV-positive patients’ rights to reasonable accommodations at work.  While the guidance effectively coaches health care providers to advocate for their patients’ rights to accommodation, the EEOC reminds providers that that their legal and ethical obligations are not altered by the ADA.  Thus, providers should only disclose the medical information if requested by the patient and an appropriate release is signed.  Further, providers are reminded not to overstate the need for a particular accommodation in case an alternative accommodation is necessary.

Health care entities should be aware that, in its press release regarding the guidance, the EEOC continues to take the position that HIV-positive employees, even in health care settings, should not be excluded from jobs unless they pose a “direct threat” to safety, a strict standard under the ADA.  The EEOC—following CDC guidance—has said that “HIV-positive health care workers who follow standard precautions and who, except in specified circumstances do not perform specially defined exposure-prone invasive procedures, do not pose a safety risks in their employment based on HIV infection.”  For example, says the EEOC, an HIV-positive phlebotomist who draws blood does not pose a direct threat to patient safety based on her HIV-positive status if she follows standard precautions.

The EEOC guidance makes clear that HIV infection is a disability under the ADA.  Employers should be aware that applicants and employees have a right to privacy and, in most situations,  need not reveal the exact diagnosis of their medical illness. Employers should not unnecessarily inquire about the exact illness diagnosis if it is not needed for the purposes of determining reasonable accommodations.  Most importantly, health care employers should not use stereotypes or misinformation in evaluating patient safety implications for those employees with HIV infection.  Even in safety sensitive positions, an HIV-positive health care employee generally poses no safety risk when using standard precautions.  Health care employers should make sure that their front-line supervisors are also aware of the rights of their subordinates who may have HIV infection.

©2016 Epstein Becker & Green, P.C. All rights reserved.