Category: Labor & Employment

R. Alexander Acosta Picked to Head Department of Labor

Alexander Acosta DOLPresident Donald Trump has nominated R. Alexander Acosta to be Secretary of Labor. His nomination comes one day after Andrew Puzder, Trump’s first pick to lead the Department of Labor, withdrew his nomination.

Acosta, currently the Dean of Florida International University’s law school, is the son of Cuban immigrants. If confirmed, Acosta would be the first Hispanic member of Trump’s Cabinet.

Acosta is a graduate of Harvard College and Harvard Law School. He clerked for Justice Samuel A. Alito, Jr. when Alito was a Judge on the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Third Circuit, in Philadelphia. Acosta then went into private practice at the Washington, D.C. law firm Kirkland & Ellis and taught law at the George Mason School of Law.

Acosta has been confirmed by the Senate three times — to become a National Labor Relations Board member, then to become Assistant Attorney General for the Civil Rights Division of the U.S. Department of Justice, and finally when he was nominated to be U.S. Attorney for the Southern District of Florida.

He was appointed by President George W. Bush as member of the National Labor Relations Board, and served as a Board member from December 17, 2002, through August 21, 2003. Acosta reportedly authored approximately 125 opinions during his tenure on the Board.

Thereafter, Acosta served as Assistant Attorney General for the Department of Justice’s Civil Rights Division under President George W. Bush until June 2005. He later was appointed U.S. Attorney for Southern District of Florida, where he served until becoming the Dean of FIU Law in 2009.

ARTICLE BY Linda R. Carlozzi & Philip B. Rosen of Jackson Lewis P.C.
Jackson Lewis P.C. © 2017

Waiting for Gorsuch: SCOTUS Kicks Important Class Action Waiver Case to Next Term

Supreme Court SCOTUS Class Action WaiverLast week, the United States Supreme Court informed litigants in Epic Systems Corp. v. Lewis that it is pushing the case to its October 2017 term. The lawsuit, which rose up through the Western District of Wisconsin and the Seventh Circuit, presents the High Court with a chance to resolve a robust circuit split on the question whether mandatory arbitration clauses in employment contracts may contain class action waivers without running afoul of the National Labor Relations Act (NLRA). Last spring, the Seventh Circuit ruled that such clauses were unenforceable, deviating from rulings by the Second, Fifth, and Eighth Circuits, and prompting the Supreme Court to grant certiorari on January 13, 2017.

The resolution of the issue turns on whether NLRA Section 7’s (29 U.S.C. § 157) protection of employees’ right to engage in “concerted activities” qualifies as a “contrary congressional command” (under CompuCredit Corp. v. Greenwood, 132 S. Ct. 665, 669 (2012)) sufficient to override the Federal Arbitration Act’s (FAA) presumption that arbitration agreements are enforceable as written. The National Labor Relations Board (NLRB) has taken the position for years that class action waivers in employment agreements are unenforceable under the NLRA. See D.R. Horton, Inc., 357 N.L.R.B. 2277, 2289 (2012).  In Lewis, Judge Barbara Crabb of the Western District of Wisconsin followed the NLRB’s interpretation, based on Supreme Court precedent directing courts to give “considerable deference” to the agency’s interpretations of the NLRA. Lewis, No. 15-cv-82-bbc, 2015 U.S. Dist. LEXIS 121137, at *4 (W.D. Wis. Sept. 11, 2015) (quoting ABF Freight System, Inc. v. NLRB, 510 U.S. 317, 324 (1994)).

On appeal, the Seventh Circuit ruled that such class action waivers were “illegal” under the NLRA, making them unenforceable because the FAA contains a “savings clause” that allows courts to refuse to recognize arbitration agreements on grounds sufficient “for the revocation of any contract.” Lewis, 823 F.3d 1147, 1159 (7th Cir. 2016) (quoting 9 U.S.C. § 2). The Seventh Circuit acknowledged that its decision departed from precedents in its sister circuits but dismissed their reasoning. Following Lewis, a divided Ninth Circuit panel joined the Seventh Circuit, deepening the circuit split and teeing the issue up for Supreme Court review.

Because the case has now been deferred until next term, President Trump’s recent nomination of Judge Neil Gorsuch leads inquisitive minds to wonder about his jurisprudence on the FAA. With the Supreme Court’s present four-to-four ideological split, Judge Gorsuch’s vote may well decide the case. The 10th Circuit has not weighed in on the enforceability of class action waivers in employment agreements, but Judge Gorsuch’s opinions on the FAA demonstrate a commitment to enforcing its preference for arbitration.

Just a few weeks ago, in Ragab v. Howard, 841 F.3d 1134 (10th Cir. 2016), Judge Gorsuch penned a dissent from a panel decision that affirmed denial of a motion to compel arbitration. The parties in Ragab agreed to six business contracts with one another, each containing a separate (and contradictory) mandatory arbitration provision, which led the panel to rule that the parties failed to reach agreement on the essential terms regarding arbitration. In his dissent, Judge Gorsuch opined that the parties’ verbal cacophony regarding the procedural details of arbitration did not override their clear intention to arbitrate. His dissent identified two “workarounds” to save the arbitration agreements and alluded to the preemptive force of the FAA over state law. Id. at 1139, 1141. And, in Sanchez v. Nitro-Lift Techs., L.L.C., 762 F.3d 1139 (10th Cir. 2014), Judge Gorsuch joined an opinion requiring three former employees to arbitrate their wage claims against their employer, despite ambiguity in the parties’ arbitration agreement, based on the “liberal federal policy favoring arbitration.” Id. at 1145, 1147-48.

Furthermore, Judge Gorsuch has expressed deep skepticism regarding deference to administrative agencies. Back in August, he authored not one but two opinions in a case called Gutierrez-Brizuela v. Lynch, 834 F.3d 1142 (10th Cir. 2016). In his opinion for the court, Judge Gorsuch ruled that the Board of Immigration Appeals could not apply a new administrative rule retroactively. Id. at 1148. Then, in a separate concurring opinion, he called on the Supreme Court to reconsider the doctrine of Chevron deference to administrative agencies, calling the precedent a “behemoth” of administrative law that was “more than a little difficult to square with the Constitution of the framers’ design.” Id. at 1149. This suggests that the NLRB’s anti-class waiver position may not carry much deferential heft with Judge Gorsuch.

So, while it appears that employers across the country will need to hold tight for a few months longer to see whether the class action waivers in their employment agreements hold water, the wait could be worthwhile for those looking to avoid class adjudication.

ARTICLE BY Aaron R. Wegrzyn of Foley & Lardner LLP

© 2017 Foley & Lardner LLP

Trump Directs Reexamination of the Fiduciary Rule Changes

DOL Fiduciary RulePresident Donald Trump issued a memorandum late last week directing the Department of Labor to reexamine the anticipated changes to the fiduciary rule applying to most retirement plans and individual retirement arrangements. The changes are set to go into effect on April 10, 2017; however, the memorandum directs the Department of Labor to conduct a full review to determine whether to rescind or revise the rule. Initial reports indicated that implementation of the rule was being delayed, but the memorandum ultimately issued by the President did not include a delay. The Department of Labor released a statement following the issuance of the memorandum indicating it would consider its legal options to delay implementation. It is not clear how quickly the Department of Labor may reach a conclusion on a delay of implementation.

The anticipated changes expand the definition of fiduciary under the Employee Retirement Income Security Act of 1974 (“ERISA”) and subject more financial advisors to fiduciary standards under ERISA. The new fiduciary rule is aimed at eliminating a potential conflict of interest by subjecting retirement plan advisors to fiduciary standards under ERISA if the advisor receives variable compensation tied to the investments the advisor recommends to the plan. Advisors could avoid harsh penalties under the rule by providing specific disclosure and agreeing to abide by a “best interest” standard of conduct. We are aware that some advisors were preparing to implement significant business model changes to comply with the anticipated rule changes.

What this means for employers –

  • Employers/benefits committees should evaluate whether they will require advisors to comply with the requirements of the rule despite the memorandum.

  • Employers/benefits committees should reach out to their advisors/consultants and confirm whether they intend to proceed with implementing changes to comply with the rule.

  • Employers/benefits committees should continue to monitor developments in this area from a fiduciary risk perspective.

ARTICLE BY Kevin Selzer of Holland & Hart LLP
Copyright Holland & Hart LLP 1995-2017.

Super Bowl 51: What to Do When Fantasy is Over and Football Fever Becomes Work Reality?

Super bowl 51Super Bowl LI is just around the corner, and many of your employees probably already have football fever. According to a January 2016 study conducted by the Workforce Institute at Kronos, 77 percent of American workers planned to watch Super Bowl 50. So whether they are cheering for the Patriot’s ninth Super Bowl appearance, the halftime show, or the much-talked-about commercials, it’s a safe bet that most of your employees will tune in to at least part of the game day programming. Here are some issues employers may want to consider as they brace themselves for game day fumbles:

1. The fantasy football pool.

Gambling is still illegal in most jurisdictions—even at work and even when it’s just over football. Federal law and most state laws prohibit gambling: the Professional and Amateur Sports Protection Act of 1992 prohibits gambling on sports in most states, and the Interstate Wire Act of 1961 has been interpreted to prohibit online betting. In some states, gambling is a misdemeanor. However, in others, while gambling is generally prohibited, gambling at work may be considered an exception under certain circumstances. Nevertheless, it’s expected that millions of workers will participate in office pools related to the Super Bowl.

Employers may want to take this opportunity to clearly delineate their policies and communicate these policies to employees. To eliminate any confusion, employers may want to relay the state law on gambling to employees and define exactly which acts are covered under the law.

2. A widespread case of the Mondays.

If your Super Bowl party goes as it should, you and your guests might have a little more Monday angst than usual. The 2016 Workforce Institute study suggested that one in 10 workers (approximately 16.5 million U.S. employees) were expected to miss work on the Monday after Super Bowl 50 and that almost 10.5 million employees had requested that Monday off.

Is there anything employers can do to curb employees’ absences on Monday? Two initial considerations when managing employee sick time requests are: (1) whether the employee has sick time available; and (2) whether the employer’s sick time policies are enforced uniformly and all employees are treated equally in terms of their requests.

Employers might be able to decrease the likelihood of employees failing to come in on Monday and create morale-building opportunities by taking some proactive steps. For example, an employer could plan a celebratory work event on the Monday after Super Bowl Sunday. Employees will be itching to talk about the ins and outs of the game and the hot new commercials anyway—they may as well do it around a football-shaped cake while wearing their favorite team’s jersey.

3. Online instant replays.

Employees are not just watching games online; they are also streaming them on social media platforms. Last year, Twitter started carrying live streams of professional football games both on its site and on its app. In 2015, Facebook launched a Super Bowl news feed consisting of a live feed, photos and videos from media outlets, posts from users’ “friends,” live scores, and other ways to interact within the Facebook community. As employees watch games online and on apps, in addition to using the company’s email to communicate, companies might experience performance degradation in their computer networks.

This is a good time to remind employees of your company’s Internet use policies as well as any policy on the appropriate use of company-issued devices such as smartphones and tablets. Whichever course employers take, they should be sure to enforce their technology policies uniformly.

With a little foresight and planning—and a few carefully implemented policies—employers can avoid the blitz when it comes to the Super Bowl and workplace productivity.

ARTICLE BY Hera S. Arsen of Ogletree, Deakins, Nash, Smoak & Stewart, P.C.

© 2017, Ogletree, Deakins, Nash, Smoak & Stewart, P.C., All Rights Reserved.

Right to Disconnect: New Right for French Employees?

right to disconnect FranceA new law, called El Khomri law, passed on August 8th, 2016 in France providing a right to disconnect for employees.

Such right is entered into force on January 1st, 2017

According to the law, it belongs to the employers and the unions to negotiate this new right to determine its modalities of application and of control. Such negotiation should take place in companies having at least 50 employees and should provide for the implementation of mechanisms of regulation regarding the use of the new technologies in order to ensure the compliance with rest times and holidays and the familial and personal life of the employees.

Should no agreement be reached with the unions defining the methods of implementation of the right to disconnect, the employer shall unilaterally elaborate, after having consulted the work’s council committee, a policy which shall need to provide for the training actions and sensitization to the use of digital tools.

However, the idea to enable an employee to disconnect completely outside of his working hours is not new in France.  In 2004, the French Supreme Court had already judged that an employee could not be dismissed for serious misconduct due to the fact that he had not responded to professional solicitations during his lunch break (Cass. Soc. February 17, 2004 n°01-45889).

Furthermore, several collective bargaining agreements applicable in different sectors of industry had already provided for a right to disconnect (e.g. Syntec).

If the title of this right seems simple, its exact nature questions.

Indeed, no legal definition of what is exactly the right to disconnect is given.

The right is generally described as a right for the employee to not be connected to a digital professional tool (email, smartphone…) during off-duty and vacation time.  However, it is not easy to impose the right to disconnect in a professional environment in which the “BYOD” concept has experienced a takeoff without precedent and which therefore has the consequence of dimming a little more the barrier between professional and private life.

However, by sending back to the collective negotiation, the El Khomri law leaves it to unions and employers to guarantee the efficiency of such a right in a manner that matches with the way the company operates.  This relative flexibility obliges them however to be imaginative and to find devices adapted to the nature of the functions occupied by the employees to the variety of the means of communication used, considering evidently the needs of each company.

As such, the right to disconnect is not uniform and can materialize itself in several ways:

  • by a reinforced information of the employees on the use of digital tools (e.g. avoiding to reply to all recipients or to send emails during the week-end or holidays),

  • by the implementation of training actions or sensitization to new technologies (e.g. reminding the employees that they should not send emails after 9.00 pm or the absence of obligation of the recipient to answer emails outside of regular hours),

  • more radically, by automatically redirecting the emails of the employees who are out of the office to an appropriate available employee or the interruption of the professional mailbox during evenings and weekends, or even during holidays.

The new law does not provide for any sanction in case of noncompliance, however, companies should take into consideration that employers failing to implement it will likely be sanctioned by judges on the basis of the necessity to preserve the health and safety of the employees at the workplace as well as the necessity to comply with working time regulations.

ARTICLE BY Cécile Martin of Proskauer Rose LLP

© 2017 Proskauer Rose LLP.

DOL Overtime Rule Appeal Faces Uncertainty

DOL Overtime Rule

Efforts to fast track the appeal of a nationwide preliminary injunction that prevents the U.S. Department of Labor (DOL) from implementing drastic proposed revisions to federal overtime regulations just got “Trumped.”

After obtaining an order in December 2016 to expedite the appeal while President Obama was still in office, attorneys for the federal government filed a short, unopposed motion on January 25, 2017, asking the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Fifth Circuit for a 30-day extension of time to file their reply brief, stating: “The requested extension is necessary to allow incoming leadership personnel adequate time to consider the issues. Plaintiffs’ counsel has authorized us to state that they consent to this extension motion.”

The preliminary injunction that is the focus of the appeal was issued on November 22, 2016, by a federal district court judge in Texas. The injunction halted the implementation of regulatory revisions that were scheduled to go into effect on December 1, 2016, and which would have more than doubled the minimum salary requirements for the major white collar overtime exemptions under the Fair Labor Standards Act (FLSA) from $455 per week to $913 per week.

The DOL already has filed its opening brief on appeal, and the plaintiffs in the case have filed their response. Amicus briefs in support of both sides also have been filed. Absent the requested extension, the DOL’s reply brief is due on January 31. If the extension is granted as requested, the DOL’s reply brief will be due on March 2. However, it also is possible that, after considering the issues, incoming leadership will abandon the appeal.

ARTICLE BY Steven F. Pockrass of Ogletree, Deakins, Nash, Smoak & Stewart, P.C.

© 2017, Ogletree, Deakins, Nash, Smoak & Stewart, P.C., All Rights Reserved.

Massachusetts Commission Against Discrimination: Job Transfer Not Retaliation

Massachusetts Commission Against DiscriminationOn December 30, 2016, a Hearing Officer with the Massachusetts Commission Against Discrimination (MCAD) dismissed the Complainant’s retaliation case, finding that the Complainant had failed to establish a causal connection between his earlier discrimination complaint and a later adverse action. Most interesting was the Hearing Officer’s determination that the Complainant had failed to establish a prima facie case of retaliation as a result of his transfer from one facility to another.  There was no evidence that his transfer “caused Complainant to suffer any tangible economic loss or a change in any other job related benefits.” MCAD v. Mass. Dept. of Corrections, 11-BEM-02854, 2016 WL 7733656 (MCAD).

Underlying Discrimination Claim

Complainant Rigaubert Aime (“Aime”) had been a correction officer with the Massachusetts Department of Correction (“DOC”) for over twenty years. In March 2011, he filed a race discrimination claim with the MCAD and soon thereafter filed internal complaints of unfair treatment by his supervisors. While his internal complaints were all dismissed, the Hearing Officer cited established law in holding that Aime only needed to prove that he — reasonably and in good faith — believed that the DOC had discriminated against him — not that it actually had done so — in order to proceed with his retaliation complaint.

Adverse Action Demonstrated but Retaliation not Proven

 In the ensuing months, Aime claimed he was subjected to disciplinary treatment of several types, including a two-day suspension for performance reasons, which the Hearing Officer concluded were “adverse employment actions” giving rise to retaliation claims.  However, in each instance the Hearing Officer concluded that the DOC’s disciplinary actions were justified for legitimate, non-retaliatory reasons.

Job Transfer Did Not Involve A Material Change

In late July 2011, the DOC informed Aime that he was being transferred from a Pre-Release Center in Roslindale, MA to the Lemuel Shattuck Hospital Correctional Unit in Boston. The DOC Superintendent in Roslindale, the evidence showed, had requested that Aime be reassigned within a few weeks of the filing of Aime’s MCAD discrimination complaint back in March 2011 because of Aime’s repeated conflicts with his supervisors. Aime claimed that transfers in the past had often been viewed as negative or punitive and although his transfer did not involve any material change in his shift, days off, or any other terms or conditions of his employment, including his commuting time, he asserted that his transfer was in retaliation for filing his earlier MCAD complaint. The Hearing Officer did not agree, concluding that the transfer did not “materially disadvantage” him in tangible working conditions. Aime’s subjective feelings of mistreatment, without objective evidence of loss, could not sustain his claim. The Hearing Officer went on to find that, even if the transfer was to constitute an actionable adverse employment action, Aime failed to prove that the reason given for the transfer was a pretext for retaliation.

Take-aways

  1. Just because an employee has filed a claim of discrimination does not immunize the employee from disciplinary action, including discharge.

  2. Just because the employee’s discrimination complaint has been dismissed does not immunize the employer from a retaliation claim.

  3. If the employee’s discrimination claim was asserted in bad faith, it cannot support a retaliation claim. But “bad faith” is difficult to prove.

  4. The temporal proximity between the discrimination complaint and further disciplinary action is a factor in evaluating whether retaliation has occurred, but it is not dispositive.

  5. Employers should not avoid disciplining an employee who has recently filed a discrimination claim. Discipline should be issued as uniformly as possible where the circumstances support it.

  6. A persistent employee may claim retaliation, repeatedly, no matter how justified the employer’s actions may seem. This is no reason to give in.

  7. All disciplinary action should be reviewed to make sure it is well-supported. This is particularly true if a retaliation claim is likely.

  8. Job transfers to a lesser position can support a claim of retaliation. In addition, a longer commuting distance may constitute an adverse employment action.

  9. This case nonetheless illustrates that not every change relating to a job assignment is an adverse employment action. The employee has the burden of proving the adverse employment action and that it was retaliatory.

ARTICLE BY Barry J. Waters of Murtha Cullina

© Copyright 2017 Murtha Cullina

Supreme Court Solicits Opinions on Breadth of Remedies under ERISA—Including Indemnity and Contribution

Supreme Court ERISA RemediesEarlier this week, the Supreme Court got back to work in the New Year. One of the court’s first orders of business was to invite the Acting Solicitor General to file a brief expressing the views of the United States in a handful of cases. Fenkell v. Alliance Holdings, Inc., a somewhat controversial ERISA case, landed amongst the chosen few. Specifically under Fenkell, the Supreme Court invited the Acting Solicitor General to opine on whether ERISA permits a cause of action for indemnity or contribution by an individual found liable for breach of fiduciary duty in light of the existing circuit split on the issue.

While the facts of Fenkell are largely irrelevant for this discussion, the important takeaway is that an ERISA employee stock ownership plan fiduciary led the effort to offload an unprofitable company onto its employees in a complicated leveraged buyout. The involved and resulting breach of ERISA fiduciary duties is not contested. Rather, the ringleader, Fenkell, challenged (and continues to challenge) the judge’s order requiring him to indemnify his co-fiduciaries. Simply put, the indemnification order seemed appropriate to the court given the control that Fenkell exerted over the other fiduciaries—the court noted the other fiduciaries’ “inexperience” as fiduciaries and their deference to Fenkell as the controlling owner, sole director, president, and CEO of Alliance. Stated another way, Fenkell was the “conductor,” and the other fiduciaries involved were the “mere musicians.”

In an earlier review, the Seventh Circuit rejected each of Fenkell’s arguments and followed its 30-year-old precedent which allows for indemnification and contribution among co-fiduciaries. In support of its decision to uphold its prior interpretation, the Seventh Circuit reiterated that “[i]f we are to interpret ERISA according to the background principles of trust law—as the Supreme Court has repeatedly instructed us to do—then indemnification and contribution are available equitable remedies under the statute.” Accordingly, the Seventh Circuit found ERISA’s equitable remedial power, as well as its foundation in principles of trust law, supportive of an order for contribution or indemnification among co-fiduciaries based on degrees of culpability.

While this case has not yet been taken up, argued in front of, or decided by the Supreme Court, the Acting Solicitor General’s brief may shed new light on the direction the Supreme Court may take to settle the circuit split. In the meantime and at a minimum, this case and the Supreme Court’s request for the U.S.’s view should remind us that:

  • Under ERISA, if defendants are found to be liable for breaches by co-fiduciaries, then co-fiduciary liability is joint and several.
  • Inexperience—and even fear of retribution from management (e.g., your boss)—will not excuse a failure to discharge fiduciary duties under ERISA.
  • Whether “mere musicians” will ultimately be able to seek protection (in terms of indemnification and/or contribution) from their “conductor” will, under current law, involve lengthy litigation and depend on the reviewing court.

Because fiduciary (and co-fiduciary) duties and conduct will most certainly continue to be closely scrutinized, best practice requires steadfast resolve to work hard as fiduciaries, acting solely in the interest of the participants and beneficiaries in order to discharge their duties of loyalty and prudence. To help ensure this compliance, it is good practice to undergo periodic fiduciary training.

ARTICLE BY Carrie E. Byrnes & Jorge M. Leon of Michael Best & Friedrich LLP

© MICHAEL BEST & FRIEDRICH LLP

“Change” Comes to Washington—What to Expect

President-elect Donald TrumpOn January 3, 2017, the 115th U.S. Congress opened with Republican majorities in both houses:

  • U.S. Senate: 52 Republicans and 46 Democrats and 2 Independents who Caucus with the Democrats

  • U.S. House of Representatives: 241 Republicans and 194 Democrats

On January 20, 2017, President-elect Donald Trump will be inaugurated as the 45th President of the United States, with an ambitious agenda set for the first 100 days, including the confirmation of his cabinet appointees and a yet-to-be-named Supreme Court nominee. Among his first acts, President-elect Trump is expected to undo many of the executive orders and “midnight regulations” of the Obama administration.

In the closing days of 2016, President Barack Obama adopted numerous federal regulations that may have served to advance and preserve his legacy. During his election campaign, Trump announced that, on his first day in office, his intention would be to roll back the executive orders adopted during the Obama administration and to seek repeal and replacement of other enactments such as the Affordable Care Act (or Obamacare). Most final regulations, however, may not simply be overturned with the stroke of the president’s pen, but must be undone by Congress, the courts, or reverse notice and comment rulemaking.

Thus, in addition to confirming President Trump’s cabinet nominations as quickly as possible, among the other early challenges for Congress will be to repeal and replace Obamacare and to invalidate en bloc the so-called “midnight regulations” and others adopted by the Obama administration or initiate a Congressional Review Act resolution of disapproval.

The first 100 days of the new Trump administration and the new 115th Congress will be busy and consumed by the following:

Senate Confirmations: Secretary of Labor-Designate Andy Puzder

Since his election, President-elect Trump has named his selections for cabinet seats, including on December 8, 2016, his choice of Andy Puzder to be the next Secretary of Labor. Puzder is the president and chief executive officer of CKE Restaurants, which has over 3,700 franchise restaurants, employing over 75,000 employees in the United States and 40 other countries. He has long been an advocate of job creation and an outspoken critic of government regulation of business, including the dramatic increase in the salary basis for exemption from overtime for “white collar” employees under the proposed overtime regulations. Puzder represents a dramatic shift from outgoing Secretary of Labor Thomas Perez.

Senate Democrats and labor unions have threatened opposition to Puzder’s confirmation. Under current Senate rules, however, confirmation requires only a simple majority since then Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid (D-NV) pushed through a rules change to eliminate 60-vote filibusters of administration and judicial nominations, except for nominations to the Supreme Court of the United States. With a majority of 52 votes, Senate Republicans should be able to confirm Mr. Puzder even if all 48 Democrats vote against his confirmation. The Senate Committee on Health, Education, Labor and Pensions has scheduled Mr. Puzder’s confirmation hearing for January 27, 2017.

Since Election Day, President-elect Trump and his transition teams (landing teams) have been hard at work vetting candidates for not only the cabinet, but subcabinet positions as well. Following Mr. Puzder’s confirmation, we expect the announcement of critical subcabinet positions at the U.S. Department of Labor, including those of deputy secretary of labor; solicitor; assistant secretaries for policy, occupational safety and health, and labor-management standards; and administrator of the Wage and Hour Division, among others.

Turning Around the NLRB and EEOC

At the National Labor Relations Board (NLRB), President-elect Trump will be able to designate lone Republican Board Member Philip Miscimarra as the new chairman to replace current Democratic Chairman Mark Pearce. He will also likely nominate two Republican members to join Miscimarra and current Democratic Members Pearce and Nancy Schiffer, thus giving Republicans a 3–2 majority. However, the task of reconsidering the staggering number of blatantly pro-union decisions by the Obama Board, which by some estimates overturned 4,559 years of well-settled Board law precedent, will be slowed by current Democratic General Counsel Richard Griffin, whose term will not expire until November of 2017. A former union lawyer, Griffin for the remainder of his term will likely insist that the NLRB’s regional offices adhere to and enforce the law established by the Obama Board, and will probably limit the opportunity to present cases to the new Trump Board for reconsideration. Since the NLRB is prohibited from issuing “advisory” opinions, the new Board will need to wait for “live cases” to rise up the pipeline. Thus, reversals of Obama Board decisions are not likely to come quickly.

At the U.S. Equal Employment Opportunity Commission (EEOC), current Democratic Chair Jenny Yang is now expected to serve out her term. President-elect Trump, however, will be able to designate Republican Commissioner Victoria Lipnic as chair and to nominate a Republican to fill the seat vacated by Republican Commissioner Constance Barker upon the expiration of Yang’s term in July of 2017. Barker’s nomination for a new term was pending in the Senate when Congress adjourned, and it must be resubmitted in the current Congress.

Overturning Federal Regulations

On his first day in office, President-elect Trump is expected to overturn numerous executive orders dating back to President Obama’s earliest days in 2009. Included may be executive orders mandating project labor agreements on federal construction projects, prohibiting reimbursement of labor relations costs for federal contractors, and setting mandatory minimum wages and paid family leave for federal contractors. Most importantly, he is likely to overturn Executive Order 13673 “Fair Pay and Safe Workplaces” requiring federal contractors and subcontractors to report “administrative merits determinations” (including alleged violations of 14 federal labor laws and equivalent state laws based on agency complaints prior to litigation and final judgment). These reports would need to be considered by federal contracting officials in the awarding of future federal contracts. Expect the so-called government contractor “blacklisting” rules and its implementing regulations and DOL guidance, already enjoined preliminarily by a court decision, to be among the first executive orders to be undone.

For its part, Congress is considering legislation to block “midnight regulations” issued by the outgoing Obama administration. During its first week in session, the new 115th Congress passed the Midnight Rules Relief Act (H.R. 21) sponsored by Representative Darrell Issa (R-CA) and the Regulations from the Executive in Need of Scrutiny (REINS) Act of 2017 sponsored by Representative Doug Collins (R-GA).

The Midnight Rules Relief Act amends the Congressional Review Act (CRA) to allow joint resolutions disapproving en bloc regulations submitted to Congress for review within 60 days of the end of a president’s term. The CRA may only be invoked on individual regulations, not a series of regulations en bloc.

The REINS Act requires that all new “major regulations” (those with an economic impact of $100 million or more) be subject to an up-or-down vote by a simple majority in both houses of Congress and be signed by the president before taking effect.

Of course, Congress already can institute a resolution of disapproval under the CRA for individual federal regulations within 60 legislative days of taking effect (or for a “reset” period upon the opening of a new Congress for regulations that were submitted to Congress for review on or after June 13, 2016, prior to its adjournment sine die). The resolution of disapproval is not subject to filibuster and, if passed and signed by the president, the same or “substantially similar” regulation may not be reintroduced and repromulgated in the future. The only federal rule ever to be disapproved under the CRA was the OSHA ergonomics standard issued in November of 2000, which was disapproved by the Republican Congress and signed by President George W. Bush in 2001.

Finally, of course, Congress may attach a “rider” to an appropriations or reconciliation bill (the latter of which is not subject to a Senate filibuster) that denies funding for the agency to enforce the regulation.

What Else?

In addition to the foregoing, Congress is expected to roll back agency regulatory powers by passing the Regulatory Accountability Act of 2017, H.R. 5 (Goodlatte, R-VA), which would repeal the longstanding so-called “Chevron deference” given to agencies’ legal interpretations. The legal standard originates from the Supreme Court’s 1984 decision in Chevron USA, Inc. v. Natural Resources Defense Council, Inc. The legislation would eliminate Chevron standards frequently used by courts to uphold agency interpretations of federal regulations, as well as change agency rulemaking and strip agency “guidance” from having legal effect. In addition, the bill would require six-month delays of enforcement for new rules and mandatory litigation stays for “major rules” that would have an impact of $1 billion or more on commerce. The bill also would require agencies to calculate the direct, indirect, and cumulative effects of new rules on small business. A vote on the bill is expected in the House in January, over the strong opposition of organized labor and environmental groups that fear that the bill will curtail labor and environmental rule making.

Other Priorities—Will the Government Be Less Dysfunctional?

Newly-elected presidents often pursue aggressive first year agendas that embody their most important policy goals enunciated during their election campaigns. President Trump will be no different, and he is likely to advance policy objectives fulfilling campaign promises on reversing government regulations as well as on immigration, trade, taxes, military spending, national security, infrastructure, and job growth. Taking on that laundry list of policy initiatives will be easier said than done. From the start of his administration, President Obama had difficulty overcoming united Republican opposition to his policy goals. For their part, Democratic leaders in the 115th Congress—led by Senate Democratic Leader Chuck Schumer (D-NY) and House Democratic Leader Nancy Pelosi (D-CA)—already promise to stand firmly against the confirmation of certain cabinet nominees and any Supreme Court nominee who in their opinion may be outside the mainstream of judicial philosophy and legislative policies they oppose. On a few issues, such as infrastructure, the Democratic leaders say they may seek bipartisan compromise. With a narrow 52-vote Senate majority, Senate Republicans will find it difficult to muster the 60 votes necessary to invoke cloture to end a Democratic legislative filibuster. Thus, expect congressional gridlock to continue, although possibly not to the same degree as over the past 12 years. Voters who are now seeking less gridlock and a less dysfunctional government may be disappointed at the pace of change.

Filibusters are meant to be dysfunctional, to be the Senate “saucer” that cools the “overheated cup” of House action by promoting extended Senate debate and deliberation. It is the main distinction between the House and Senate. Ironically, there were a number of Senate Democrats in the last Congress who supported a rules change to eliminate legislative filibusters along with the “nuclear option” advanced by then Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid (D-NV), which would have eliminated filibusters of administrative appointments and judicial nominations. Today, the legislative filibuster may be the Democrats’ salvation. Indeed, there may be some Senate Republicans who would consider eliminating the legislative filibuster. Where one stands depends on where one sits. However, Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell (R-KY) is unlikely to permit elimination of the legislative filibuster.

Still, the nuclear option against administrative and judicial nominations continues to stand. This means that President Trump’s cabinet nominations should be confirmed unless Senate Democrats are able to convince three Republicans to join them in voting against the nominations. It also means that judicial nominations should be quickly confirmed on simple majority votes. Currently, there are over 100 unfilled judicial vacancies—including a number of critical federal circuit court seats. The federal appellate courts are important for labor and employment policy since, in our constitutional system of checks and balances, the federal circuit courts are the appellate courts that review government regulations promulgated by the executive branch and legislation passed by Congress. Apparently, the “nuclear option” was so effective in the 114th Congress that President Obama was able to quickly push through Democratic judicial nominations, and today there are only 4 of the 12 judicial circuits with majorities appointed by Republican presidents. Expect that to change and for the circuit courts to become more balanced.

Legislation, however, is still subject to the 60-vote Senate filibuster of bills passed quickly by the larger Republican majority in the House. Thus, “change” may come to Washington, but perhaps not as easily or as quickly as some voters may anticipate.

ARTICLE BY Harold P. Coxson of Ogletree, Deakins, Nash, Smoak & Stewart, P.C.

© 2017, Ogletree, Deakins, Nash, Smoak & Stewart, P.C., All Rights Reserved.

You’re Hired: Labor Policy Under Trump Administration and 115th Congress

labor policy trump administrationIf personnel reflect policy, President-elect Donald Trump’s selection of Andrew Puzder as the next Secretary of Labor signals a turning point for labor and employment policy.  The Chief Executive Officer of CKE Restaurants, Mr. Puzder has been critical of many of the Obama administration’s labor initiatives.  His efforts to carry out Mr. Trump’s job creation agenda will likely intersect with action in Congress and in the courts, where several pivotal labor-related cases are currently being heard on appeal.  These dynamics mean that the early days of the Trump administration and the 115th Congress will be a time of flux for employers, with changes to existing regulations and new legislative and regulatory initiatives.  This article details several of the most important policy areas that are likely to undergo change.  Employers should consider engaging in the policymaking process now to help shape legislation and regulations.

New Players, New Priorities

As the leader of a major fast-food company, Mr. Puzder brings a “real-world” perspective on how policy decisions affect employers and employees.  He has been a vocal critic of several Obama-era labor initiatives, especially its activities with respect to the joint employer standard, expanded eligibility for overtime pay and paid leave, among others.

Mr. Puzder’s views on these topics are largely in alignment with the Republican leadership of the Congressional committees with jurisdiction over labor and employment issues.  On the House Education and Workforce Committee, Representative Virginia Foxx (R-NC) is expected to become the new Chair following the retirement of current Chair John Kline (R-MN).  Representative Foxx has promised “to do whatever [Republicans] can to stop the rules coming out of the [Obama] Labor Department – either block them or repeal them.”  She has named the repeal of the Department’s overtime and persuader rules as top priorities, in addition to the National Labor Relations Board’s (NLRB) broadened joint employer standard and rules related to the union election process.  Representative Bobby Scott (D-VA) will remain the Ranking Member on Education and Workforce.

In the Senate, Senator Lamar Alexander (R-TN) will remain the Chairman of the Senate Health, Education, Labor, and Pensions Committee (HELP), while Senator Patty Murray (D-WA) will continue to serve as the top Democratic or ranking member.

Overtime Rule

One of the key labor policies that Mr. Puzder, Rep. Foxx, and their Republican colleagues may consider for reform are the Obama administration’s initiatives with respect to overtime pay.  The overtime rule, which was published in the Federal Register on May 23, 2016, revises income thresholds for determining overtime pay for executive, administrative, professional, outside sales, and white collar employees exempt from regular minimum wage and overtime pay requirements, and raises the cut-off salary of employees eligible for overtime pay from $23,660 to $47,476 per year.  The rule was due to become effective on December 1, 2016.

However, a U.S. District Court Judge in Texas on November 22 issued a nationwide preliminary injunction blocking implementation of the overtime rule, just a few days before its December 1 effective date.[1] This preliminary injunction has given businesses that had not yet moved to comply with the new rules a respite from updating their systems and notifying employees.  In turn, knowing that some businesses have not yet had to comply, Congress has now prioritized repeal of the overtime rule as an early order of business in 2017.

Under complex procedural rules, repeal of the overtime rule could possibly be accomplished through use of the Congressional Review Act (CRA).  CRA is a 1996 law that allows Congress to repeal new “major rules” through an expedited resolution of disapproval as long as those regulations were issued within sixty legislative days in the House or session days in the Senate of the start of the new administration.  With the House and Senate still holding occasional pro forma sessions into mid-December, the Overtime Rule is in a grey area of the CRA window, and the final determination will be made by the Office of the Clerk.  Notably, the Senate Republican Policy Committee has identified the Overtime Rule as a potential candidate for review under the CRA.[2]

Paid Leave

Another key issue is the Department of Labor’s (DOL’s) final September 2016 rule implementing President Obama’s Executive Order 13706 to require federal contractors and subcontractors to provide certain employees with up to seven days of paid sick leave annually.  President-elect Trump has not made any statements regarding his position on mandated paid sick leave for federal contractors.  Delivering on a broad campaign promise to rescind executive orders issued by President Obama, it is possible that President-elect Trump may repeal the executive order, along with other Obama executive orders, during his first weeks in office.

On the other hand, the Trump administration and 115th Congress also could address issues surrounding paid leave.  During the campaign, the President-elect proposed six weeks of mandatory paid maternity leave, as well as tax incentives to support child and elder care.  Although the details of the plan, including what percentage of their salaries mothers will receive, have yet to be clarified, it could offer an opportunity for Democrats and Republicans to find common ground.

Minimum Wage

President-elect Trump has not taken a strong position on the federal minimum wage and has indicated an openness to an increase in the minimum wage as recently as July 2016.

Federal minimum wage legislation was last considered by Congress in April 2014, but the Minimum Wage Fairness Act could not garner enough support in the Senate to proceed to a vote.  This act would have gradually raised the federal minimum wage from $7.25 to $10.10 per hour over a two-year period.  Notably, there were attempts at compromise, which although unsuccessful could serve as a foundation in the case the issue moves forward, perhaps prompted by state-by-state action.[3] For example, Senator Susan Collins (R-ME) proposed to increase the federal minimum wage to $9 per hour, a wage that the Congressional Budget Office had projected would greatly reduce the negative impact on jobs.[4]

A Trump administration may look favorably towards an increase in the minimum wage — indeed, in a television appearance Mr. Puzder said that he was “not opposed to raising the minimum wage rationally.”  However, Congressional Republicans have generally not voiced support for increasing the minimum wage, so prospects for action remain unclear.

Joint Employer Standard

Mr. Puzder and Rep. Foxx will likely prioritize the NLRB’s joint employer standard for repeal.  The NLRB ruling broadens the standard for who is considered an employer from the company that is currently exercising control, to any company with authority to exercise control over the employee.  The result is that when two or more companies are involved with a worker — such as a temporary employment agency and the current employer — they may be considered joint employers.  The implication of this change is that it creates stronger grounds for organizing unions that represent workers at both of the joint employers, thus giving employees more leverage.  The change also increases exposure to liability because a company can now be held liable for labor violations committed by sub-contractors, franchisees, and other companies to which it outsourced responsibilities.

The issue remains unsettled into the next administration because the underlying case that prompted the NLRB decision is currently on appeal in the D.C. Circuit.[5]  In Congress, HELP Committee Chairman Lamar Alexander (R-TN) and House Education and the Workforce Chairman Kline introduced a bill to repeal the changes to the joint employer standard created by the NLRB’s ruling in Browning-Ferris Industries.  The Protecting Local Business Opportunity Act provides potential models for the next Congress.  The legislation would reaffirm that multiple employers must have “actual, direct, and immediate” control over employees to be considered joint employers, rather than the “indirect” or even “potential” control over employment decisions permitted under the NLRB’s new joint employer standard. Because the broadened standard was established by an NLRB ruling, it would require either future litigation or legislative action to overturn.

Additionally, the Committee on Education and the Workforce has been focusing its attention on this issue in part by conducting a year-long investigation of the Occupational Safety and Health Administration (OSHA) joint employer standard, which, they claim, instructs OSHA’s inspectors to “delve into unrelated matters – financial and otherwise – far outside their expertise,” and drifts from the agency’s core mission of examining workplace health and safety in a way that benefits union leaders.  In October, the Committee wrote a letter to Labor Secretary Thomas Perez expressing these concerns.

Persuader Rule

In March of this year, the DOL finalized its much-anticipated “persuader rule,” which requires employers to report any third-party arrangement entered into with the goal of persuading employees, whether directly or indirectly, regarding their right to organize or bargain collectively.  Critics of the rule argue that it will have a chilling effect on employer speech and prevent employers from hiring legal counsel or speaking on labor issues.

Since its passage, the persuader rule has faced significant hurdles in the form of lawsuits challenging its enforcement as unconstitutional, unlawful, and exceeding DOL’s authority.  Although it was set to go into effect July 1, a U.S. District Court judge in Texas granted a nationwide preliminary and later permanent injunction against enforcement of the rule.[6] The DOL is appealing the injunctive relief to the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Fifth Circuit.[7] However, since the persuader rule is based on an administrative determination of the DOL, it is likely that Trump administration changes in DOL priorities or personnel would moot the appeal at some point.  Relying in part on the assumption that a Trump DOL would abandon the rule and the permanent nationwide injunction issued in Texas, a federal judge in Minnesota faced with a similar case recently stayed that litigation, despite his earlier decision not to grant injunctive relief.[8] The split suggests that the issue could ultimately make its way to a federal court of appeals or to the Supreme Court.

Blacklisting Rule

Another DOL regulation following a path similar to that of the Persuader Rule is the DOL’s guidance for implementing E.O. 13673, Fair Pay and Safe Workplaces.  The DOL’s rule is popularly referred to as the “Blacklisting Rule,” and it was published on August 25, 2016.  E.O. 13673 requires that federal contracting officers consider a contractor’s compliance with certain federal and state labor laws as part of the determination of contractor responsibility in awarding federal contracts. The Blacklisting Rule requires that federal contractors bidding over $500,000 report violations of fourteen different labor laws, as well as similar state laws, to the federal government.  Contractors are obligated to report violations even if they are still being contested in court.

The rule was due to become effective on October 25, but just two days before that date, the U.S. District Court for the Eastern District of Texas granted a temporary injunction blocking parts of the rule from going into effect. Judge Marcia Crone ruled that the portion requiring disclosure of labor law violations — even if those violations are being challenged in court or have been settled without any actual violation of the law — was in violation of the First Amendment.[9]  While the injunction is temporary, it demonstrates that the court is likely to eventually rule in favor of the plaintiffs, Associated Builders and Contractors, and strike down the rule.  The ruling left intact the rule’s paycheck transparency provision, which requires employers to note on paychecks information such as whether the person is an independent contractor or an employee under the Fair Labor Standards Act.

In the event that the injunction is lifted, Congress may pursue repeal of the Blacklisting Rule through use of the CRA.  Since the rule was published on August 25, it falls within the CRA’s sixty-legislative or -session day window.  Similar to the Overtime Rule, the Senate Republican Policy Committee has identified the Blacklisting Rule as a potential candidate for review under the CRA.[10]

Predictive Scheduling

Proposed legislation to regulate work schedules has emerged at the state and local levels in the wake of San Francisco’s enactment of its “Retail Workers Bill of Rights” ordinance in November 2014.  A similar law, which applies to retail and food service establishments employing 500 or more workers, will take effect in Seattle on July 1, 2017.  The provisions of these scheduling laws vary, but most require employers to give good faith estimates of an employee’s work hours in advance and provide additional compensation to employees whose hours are changed on short notice, among other provisions.

Proposals similar to the San Francisco and Seattle laws are pending in state legislatures in California, Connecticut, Illinois, Indiana, Maine, Maryland, Massachusetts, Michigan, Minnesota, New Jersey, New York, Oregon, and Rhode Island, as well as in major cities like New York and at the federal level.

In the event state and local scheduling laws begin to gain momentum, the Republican majorities in the House and Senate could advance federal legislation to preempt such efforts. As a veteran of the fast-food industry, which has been a target of the push for restrictive scheduling, Mr. Puzder could be sympathetic to calls for a federal solution that balances the interests of employers and employees.

Conclusion

The Trump administration and leadership of the 115th Congress are charting a different course with respect to labor and employment policy than the outgoing Obama administration on the issues described above as well as many others.  The incoming administration and Congress will almost certainly advance efforts to repeal some of the Obama administration’s key labor and employment initiatives, and Congress will also position itself to react to state-based initiatives and legal challenges.  These developments promise a period of changing obligations for employers, as well as opportunities to shape the future of this important policy area.

Labor Regulation/Issue Status Options for Repeal/Change
Overtime Rule Under temporary injunction
  • Possibly CRA repeal
  • Congressional action
  • Final court ruling
Paid Leave for Federal Contractors Obama executive order and DOL implementing regulation passed
  • President-elect Trump can repeal with an executive order
Federal Paid Leave Legislation Currently none
  • Congressional action
Federal Minimum Wage Currently $7.25; no pending Congressional action
  • Congressional action
Joint Employer Standard NLRB ruling issued, currently on appeal in the D.C. Circuit
  • Congressional action
  • Final court ruling
Persuader Rule Under permanent injunction
  • Congressional action
  • Final court ruling
Blacklisting Rule Under temporary injunction
  • CRA repeal
  • Congressional action
  • Final court ruling
  • Reversal of underlying executive order
Predictive Scheduling This is currently being handled at the state and local level
  • Congressional action
ARTICLE BY Karishma Shah Page, Amy Carnevale & Peter V. Nelson of K & L Gates
Copyright 2016 K & L Gates

[1] State of Nevada v. U.S. Dep’t of Labor, No. 4:16-CV-00731 (E.D. Tex. Nov. 22, 2016).

[2] Reining in Obama Regulatory Overreach, SENATE REPUBLICAN POL’Y COMM. (Dec. 6, 2016).

[3] Alexander Bolton, Centrist Republicans Cool to Minimum Wage Hike Compromise, THE HILL (Apr. 4, 2014 6:00AM).

[4] Id.

[5] Browning-Ferris Indus. of California, Inc. d/b/a Newby Island Recyclery, 362 NLRB No. 186 (Aug. 27, 2015).

[6] Nat’l Fed’n of Indep. Bus. v. Perez, Case No. 5:16-cv-00066-C (N.D. Tex. June 27, 2016) (preliminary injunction); Nat’l Fed’n of Indep. Bus. v. Perez, Case No. 5:16-cv-00066 (N.D. Tex. Nov. 16, 2016) (permanent injunction).

[7] Lawrence E. Dubé, DOL Persuader Rule Blocked by Federal Judge, BLOOMBERG BNA (Nov. 17, 2016) https://www.bna.com/dol-persuader-rule-n57982082867/.

[8] Vin Gurrieri, Persuader Case Halted Pending Trump DOL Action, LAW 360 (Dec. 8, 2016, 6:27 PM), https://www.law360.com/articles/870551/persuader-case-halted-pending-trump-dol-action;  Labnet, Inc., d/b/a Worklaw Network v. U.S. Dep’t of Labor, Case No. 16-CV-0844 (PJS/KMM) (D. Minn. June 22, 2016) (stay of proceedings issued on Dec. 7).

[9] Assoc. Builders and Contractors of Southeast Texas v. Anne Rung, Administrator, Office of Fed. Procurement Policy, Office of Mgmt. and Budget, Case No. 1:16-CV-425 (E.D. Tex. Oct. 23, 2016).

[10] Reining in Obama Regulatory Overreach, SENATE REPUBLICAN POL’Y COMM. (Dec. 6, 2016) http://www.rpc.senate.gov/policy-papers/reining-in-obama-regulatory-overreach.