Government Continues Aggressive Antitrust Enforcement in the Healthcare Space

On February 24, 2022, the U.S. Department of Justice (“DOJ”) filed suit to block UnitedHealth’s proposed acquisition of Change Healthcare. UnitedHealth owns the largest health insurer in the U.S., while Change Healthcare is a data company whose software is the largest processor of health insurance claims in the U.S. The DOJ alleges that the acquisition, if allowed to proceed, would give UnitedHealth unfettered access to rival health insurers’ competitively sensitive information, including health insurance pricing. According to the complaint, this would lessen competition and “result in higher cost, lower quality, and less innovative commercial health insurance for employers, employees, and their families.”

The DOJ’s challenge continues a recent trend of aggressive enforcement involving vertical mergers (i.e. transactions between firms at different levels of the supply chain), with the Federal Trade Commission challenging three vertical mergers in the last year alone. These enforcement efforts represent a material shift from the prior enforcement attitude, which often allowed parties to resolve competition concerns raised by vertical mergers through conduct remedies such as information firewalls or supply commitments. The DOJ’s decision to forego such a remedy (assuming one was proposed) signals the government’s intent to take a tougher stance on mergers in the healthcare space. President Joe Biden previously listed prescription drugs and healthcare services as an antitrust priority area in his July 9, 2021 executive order.

The complaint was filed in the District Court for the District of Columbia and can be accessed here: https://www.justice.gov/opa/press-release/file/1476676/download.

Christopher Gordon also contributed to this article.

© Copyright 2022 Squire Patton Boggs (US) LLP
For more articles about healthcare, visit the NLR Health Care Law section.

New York To Require Licensure of Pharmacy Benefit Managers

In an effort to counteract rising prescription drug costs and health insurance premiums, New York Governor Hochul signed S3762/A1396 (the Act) on December 31, 2021.  This legislation specifies the registration, licensure, and reporting requirements of pharmacy benefit managers (PBMs) operating in New York. The Superintendent of the Department of Financial Services (Superintendent) will oversee the implementation of this legislation and the ongoing registration and licensure of PBMs in New York. Notably, this legislation establishes a duty of accountability and transparency that PBMs owe in the performance of pharmacy benefit management services.

Though the Governor only recently signed the Act, on January 13, 2022, an additional piece of legislation, S7837/A8388, was introduced in the New York Legislature.  If passed, this legislation would amend and repeal certain provisions proposed in the Act.  As of the date of this blog post, both the Senate and Assembly have passed S7837/A8388, and it has been delivered to the Governor for signature. Anticipating that Governor Hochul will sign S7837/A8388 into law, we have provided an overview of the Act, taking into account the impact that S7837/A8388 will have, and the changes that both make to the New York State Insurance, Public Health, and Finance Laws.

New York State Insurance Law: Article 29 – Pharmacy Benefit Managers

The Act adds Article 29 to the Insurance Law.  The Section includes, among other provisions, definitions applicable to PBMs, as well as licensure, registration, and reporting requirements, as detailed below.

Definitions

Section 2901 incorporates the definitions of “pharmacy benefit manager” and “pharmacy benefit management services” of Section 280-a of the Public Health Law.  “Pharmacy benefit management services” is defined as “the management or administration of prescription drug benefits for a health plan.”  This definition applies regardless of whether the PBM conducts the administration or management directly or indirectly and regardless of whether the PBM and health plan are associated or related. “Pharmacy benefit management services” also includes the procurement of prescription drugs to be dispensed to patients, or the administration or management of prescription drug benefits, including but not limited to:

  • Mail service pharmacy;
  • Claims processing, retail network management, or payment of claims to pharmacies for dispensing prescription drugs;
  • Clinical or other formulary or preferred drug  list  development or management;
  • Negotiation  or  administration  of  rebates, discounts, payment differentials, or other incentives,  for  the  inclusion  of  particular prescription  drugs  in a particular category or to promote the purchase of particular prescription drugs;
  • Patient compliance, therapeutic intervention, or  generic  substitution programs;
  • Disease management;
  • Drug utilization review or prior authorization;
  • Adjudication  of appeals or grievances related to prescription drug coverage;
  • Contracting with network pharmacies; and
  • Controlling the cost of covered prescription drugs.

A “pharmacy benefit manager” is defined as any entity that performs the above listed management services for a health plan.  Finally, the term “health plan” is amended to encompass entities that a PBM either provides management services for and is a health benefit plan or reimburses, in whole or in part, at least prescription drugs, for a “substantial number of beneficiaries” that work in New York.  The Superintendent has the discretion to interpret the phrase “substantial number of beneficiaries.”

Registration Requirements

PBMs currently providing pharmacy benefit management services must register and submit an annual registration fee of $4,000 to the Department of Financial Services (DFS) on or before June 1, 2022 if the PBM intends to continue providing management services after that date. After June 1, 2022, every PBM seeking to engage in management services must register and submit the annual registration fee to DFS prior to engaging in management services. Regardless of when a PBM registers, every PBM registration will expire on December 31, 2023.

Reporting Requirements

On or before July 1 of each year, each PBM must report and affirm the following to the Superintendent, which includes, but is not limited to:

  • Any pricing discounts, rebates of any kind, inflationary payments, credits, clawbacks, fees, grants, chargebacks, reimbursement, other financial or other reimbursements, inducements, refunds or other benefits received by the PBM; and
  • The terms and conditions of any contract or arrangement, including other financial or other reimbursement incentives, inducements, or refunds between the PBM and any other party relating to management services provided to a health plan including, but not limited to, dispending fees paid to pharmacies.

The Superintendent may request additional information from PBMs and their respective officers and directors. Notably, the above documentation and information are confidential and not subject to public disclosure, unless a court order compels it or if the Superintendent determines disclosure is in the public’s best interest.

Licensing Requirements

The Superintendent is also responsible for establishing standards related to PBM licensure.  The Superintendent must consult with the Commissioner of Health while developing the standards.  The standards must address prerequisites for the issuance of a PBM license and detail how a PBM license must be maintained.  The standards will cover, at a minimum, the following topics:

  • Conflicts of interest between PBMs and health plans or insurers;
  • Deceptive practices in connection with the performance of management services;
  • Anti-competitive practices connected to the performance of management services;
  • Unfair claims practices in connection with the performance of pharmacy benefit managements services;
  • Pricing models that PBMs use both for their services and for payment of services;
  • Consumer protection; and
  • Standards and practices used while creating pharmacy networks and while contracting with network pharmacies and other providers and in contracting with network pharmacies and other providers.  This will also cover the promotion of patient access, the use of independent and community pharmacies, and the minimization of excessive concentration and vertical integration of markets.

To obtain a license, PBMs must file an application and pay a licensing fee of $8,000 to the Superintendent for each year that the license will be valid.  The license will expire 36 months after its issuance, and a PBM can renew their license for another 36-month period by refiling an application with the Superintendent.

New York State Public Health Law: Amendments to Section 280-a

Duty, Accountability, and Transparency of PBMs

As briefly mentioned above, the Act also amends Public Health Law 280-a.  Notably, this legislation imposes imposes new duty, accountability, and transparency requirements on PBMs.  Under the new law, PBMs interacting with a covered individual have the same duty to a covered individual as the PBM has to the health plan for which the PBM is performing management services. PBMs are also compelled to act with a duty of good faith and fair dealing towards all parties, including, but not limited to, covered individuals and pharmacies. In addition, PBMs are required to hold all funds received from providing management services in trust.  The PBMs can only utilize the funds in accordance with its contract with their respective health plan.

To promote transparency, PBMs shall account to their health plan any pricing discounts, rebates, clawbacks, fees, or other benefits it has received. The health plan must have access to all of the PBMs’ financial information related to the management services the PBM provides it.  The PBMs are also required to disclose in writing any conflicts of interest PBMs shall disclose in writing any conflicts of interests, as well as disclose the terms and conditions of any contract related to the PBM’s provision of management services to the health plan, including, but not limited to, the dispensing fees paid to pharmacies.

New York State Finance Law: Addition of Section § 99-oo

If enacted, S7837/A8388 will add Section 99-oo to the Finance Law.  This law would create a special fund called the Pharmacy Benefit Manager Regulatory Fund (Fund).  The New York State Comptroller (Comptroller) and Commissioner of Tax and Finance will establish the Fund and hold joint custody over it. The Fund will primarily consist of money collected through fees and penalties imposed under the Insurance Law.  The Comptroller must keep Fund monies separate from other funds, and the money shall remain in the Fund unless a statute or appropriation directs its release.

Looking Forward: PBM Regulation in New York and Beyond

In a January 2, 2022, press release, Governor Hochul touted the Act as “the most comprehensive [PBM] regulatory framework” in the United States.  The Governor has made clear her intent to regulate PBMs, and New York lawmakers appear to just be getting started.  PBMs in New York and throughout the United States should anticipate their state’s legislatures introducing and enacting more laws and regulations.

©1994-2022 Mintz, Levin, Cohn, Ferris, Glovsky and Popeo, P.C. All Rights Reserved.
For more about pharmacies, visit the NLR Healthcare section.

Fitness App Agrees to Pay $56 Million to Settle Class Action Alleging Dark Pattern Practices

On February 14, 2022, Noom Inc., a popular weight loss and fitness app, agreed to pay $56 million, and provide an additional $6 million in subscription credits to settle a putative class action in New York federal court. The class is seeking conditional certification and has urged the court to preliminarily approve the settlement.

The suit was filed in May 2020 when a group of Noom users alleged that Noom “actively misrepresents and/or fails to accurately disclose the true characteristics of its trial period, its automatic enrollment policy, and the actual steps customer need to follow in attempting to cancel a 14-day trial and avoid automatic enrollment.” More specifically, users alleged that Noom engaged in an unlawful auto-renewal subscription business model by luring customers in with the opportunity to “try” its programs, then imposing significant barriers to the cancellation process (e.g., only allowing customers to cancel their subscriptions through their virtual coach), resulting in the customers paying a nonrefundable advance lump-sum payment for up to eight (8) months at a time. According to the proposed settlement, Noom will have to substantially enhance its auto-renewal disclosures, as well as require customers to take a separate action (e.g., check box or digital signature) to accept auto-renewal, and provide customers a button on the customer’s account page for easier cancellation.

Regulators at the federal and state level have recently made clear their focus on enforcement actions against “dark patterns.” We previously summarized the FTC’s enforcement policy statement from October 2021 warning companies against using dark patterns that trick consumers into subscription services. More recently, several state attorneys general (e.g., in Indiana, Texas, the District of Columbia, and Washington State) made announcements regarding their commitment to ramp up enforcement work on “dark patterns” that are used to ascertain consumers’ location data.

Article By: Privacy and Cybersecurity Practice Group at Hunton Andrews Kurth

Copyright © 2022, Hunton Andrews Kurth LLP. All Rights Reserved.

Ongoing Canadian Protests Shine Spotlight on Ripple Effect of Supply Chain Disruptions

Although the last two years have seen a nearly never-ending line of supply chain impacts for manufacturers, the latest disruption is also serving to shine a spotlight on the broader impact that relatively small disruptions in the supply chain can have on the global economy.  We all know that trucking is a critical component of the economy.  The U.S. estimates seventy two percent of goods in the U.S. travel by truck.  Trucking has become even more important in this era of increased deliveries and backlogs at ports and other logistics hubs.

In Canada, what began as protests by truckers regarding certain pandemic-related restrictions and mandates have snowballed into broader protests and blockages of roads, bridges, and border crossings.

Protesters have been blocking various bridges and roads in Canada in protest of certain pandemic-related restrictions and mandates.  On Tuesday, the bridge connecting Windsor, Ontario to Detroit (a critical linkage for cross-border travel) was largely blocked, with traffic stopped going into Canada and slowed to a trickle going into the United States. The blockades are now leading U.S. automakers to begin trimming shifts and pausing certain operations in their Michigan and Canadian plants. The bridge protests and automakers’ reduction in capacity continued on Thursday without an end in sight.

The ongoing protests in Canada have also served as a reminder of how seemingly local trucking disruptions in one country can cascade through the supply chain.  This is not the first time that trucking strikes and blockages have rippled through the supply chain and economy.  In 1996, a truckers’ strike in France lasted 12 days, barricading major highways and ultimately leading to concessions from the French government over certain worker benefits and hours.  The resulting agreement led to heightened tensions with Spain, Portugal, and Great Britain due to the impact felt across borders.  In 2008, truckers went on strike in Spain and blocked roads and border crossings, protesting fuel prices.  In 2018, truckers in Brazil staged a large strike and protest that lasted for 10 days, blocking roads, disrupting food and fuel distribution, canceling flights, and causing certain part shortages for automakers.

The ongoing protests in Canada have similarly expanded from Ottawa to the current blockage of border crossings, further raising their profile internationally as they begin to impact global trade.  It remains to be seen how the blockades and protests will resolve, as leaders call for de-escalation and re-opening of roads and crossings.  However, the ripple effects of what started as a localized protest will continue to be felt far beyond Canada’s borders.

© 2022 Foley & Lardner LLP

Federal Cannabis Reform – Is 2022 the Year?

Hope soared with the possibility of federal cannabis reform in 2021.  And for good reason –  the induction of a new, more liberal administration, rapid state-level legalization, broad support by Americans,[1] and growing bipartisan backing led many to believe that 2021 was going to be the year where federal decriminalization of cannabis would become a reality.  But, as 2021 continued on, optimism dwindled as any advancement in federal cannabis reform was hobbled by the inability of Congress to agree on the appropriate level of reform  and the proper mechanics for passage.  Specifically, tension rose amongst the elected Democrats on whether to support incremental reform (like access to banks or removal of cannabis from the list of Schedule 1 drugs) or comprehensive legalization with provisions to address social inequities stemming from the legacy of the War on Drugs.  And so 2021 came to an end, and the cannabis industry saw yet another year of failed meaningful change on the federal level.

Still, momentum for reform has not been lost.  If anything, last year saw more bills introduced into Congress (including two new federal legalization proposals) than ever before – clearly indicating its import to our nation’s leaders.  Justice Clarence Thomas from the Supreme Court even subtly advised Congress to address legalization, noting that the Federal Government’s current “half in, half out regime” on cannabis strained the principles of federalism.

And so, as we move forward in 2022 with hope, we review the bills before Congress and their progresses to assess which of these may have some traction for passage during this upcoming year.

Secure and Fair Enforcement (“SAFE”) Banking Act of 2021[2]

Considered modest reform, the SAFE Banking Act of 2021 mainly focused on granting cannabis-related businesses access to federally-backed financial institutions.  The bill was introduced early in 2021,[3] and passed in the U.S. House of Representatives on April 20, 2021 by a vote of 321 to 101.  At the time of the House’s passage, many believed the SAFE Banking Act of 2021 would easily move its way through the Senate, due – in part – to its demonstrated bipartisan appeal with 106 Republican votes in the House.  Congressman Ed Pearlman, one of its drafters, even remarked:

After years of bringing up this issue, I’m thrilled to see overwhelming support for this bipartisan, commonsense legislation in the U.S. House once again. I feel optimistic about the path forward for the SAFE Banking Act and, more broadly, reforms to our federal cannabis laws.[4]

However, after its passage in the House, the SAFE Banking Act of 2021 languished in the Senate’s Committee on Banking, Housing and Urban Affairs.  Momentum for the bill slowed, with those opposing it campaigning for more comprehensive legalization.  In late September 2021, fervor for the SAFE Banking Act of 2021 arose again when the House passed, by voice vote, an amendment to the National Defense Authorization Act for Fiscal Year 2022 (“NDAA”) to add the SAFE Banking Act of 2021.  Many hoped that by couching the SAFE Banking Act of 2021 in the NDAA, it would make it easier to pass through the Senate.  On November 23, 2021, 4 Senators[5] penned a letter to the Senate’s Armed Services Committee urging them to retain the SAFE Banking Act of 2021 in the NDAA.  Despite these efforts, the SAFE Banking Act of 2021 was stripped from the NDAA on December 10, 2021 – stalling its progress once more.

The Marijuana Opportunity Reinvestment & Expungement (“MORE”) Act

The MORE Act is the oldest comprehensive legislative proposal.  It was passed in the House in December 2020, during a lame-duck session, but never made any headway in the Senate.[6]  On May 28, 2021, Representative Jerrold Nadler reintroduced the MORE Act into the House and much of its substance provided the legislative stepping stones for the Cannabis Administrative and Opportunity Act (“CAO”).

The MORE Act aimed to end criminalization of cannabis by removing it from the list of controlled  substances, eliminate related past criminal penalties and convictions, and provide essential criminal justice reform, social justice and economic development for those affected by the War on Drugs.  The MORE Act also would tax cannabis products starting at 5% to 8% (increasing by 1% over 5 years) to help fund social reform projects, make Small Business Administration loans and services available to cannabis-related businesses, and prohibit denial of federal public benefits (like housing) and protections under immigration law on the basis of cannabis-related conduct or conviction.

After sitting in the House Judiciary Committee, the bill was finally approved in the Committee on September 30, 2021, with 2 Republican Representatives voting yes.  This act sent the measure to the House floor for another vote before it could make its way to the Senate.

The Cannabis Administrative and Opportunity Act

Embracing the MORE Act’s goals for comprehensive reform, Senate Majority Leader Chuck Schumer (along with Senators Cory Booker  and Ron Wyden) introduced the long awaited draft of the CAO into the Senate on July 14, 2021.  Considered a historic and ambitious bill, the CAO aimed to implement a full-scale federal scheme for cannabis reform that reaches beyond just decriminalization.  It hopes to provide restorative measures “to lift up people and communities who were unfairly targeted in the War on Drugs.”[7] Specifically, the CAO seeks to do the following:

  • Decriminalize cannabis by removing it from the Controlled Substances Act and automatically expunge any arrests and convictions for non-violent federal cannabis offenses;
  • Transfer primary agency jurisdiction over cannabis to the Food and Drug Administration (“FDA”), the Alcohol and Tobacco Tax and Trade Bureau (“TTB”), and the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco and Firearms (“ATF”) so that cannabis can be federally regulated similar to alcohol and tobacco;
  • Establish a Center for Cannabis Products responsible for regulating the “cannabis aspect of all products containing cannabis,” and implementing requirements related to cannabis products (g., good manufacturing practice, product standards, product labeling, product distribution and recall, etc.) within the FDA;
  • Mandate federal research and studies regarding the impact of cannabis (including any benefits and/or impairments) on the human brain and health conditions and its impact on drivers under its influence;
  • Permit movement of cannabis products through channels of interstate commerce;
  • Establish Opportunity Trust Fund Programs funded by federal cannabis tax revenue to restore and reinvest in communities greatly impacted by the War on Drugs (including funds for job training, reentry services, legal aid, and youth recreation/mentoring programs) and to help level the playing field by granting entrepreneurs of color access to the cannabis industry through small business loans;
  • Prohibit denial of federal benefits or immigration protection due to a past cannabis-related offense; and
  • Impose federal excise tax on sale of cannabis products, starting at 10% and increasing up to 25% in a span of 5 years, with certain favorable tax credit for cannabis producers with less than $20 million sales.

Though the CAO has lofty goals, it does not force states to legalize cannabis, emphasizing the integrity of state-specific cannabis law.

As a draft bill, the CAO was subject to a review period in which its authors requested public comments by September 1, 2021.  At the expiration of this review period, the drafters of the bill received numerous comments from both supporters and those criticizing the CAO as overly ambitious and a big-government approach.  In particular, many critics take issue with the bill’s tax structure, calling the imposition of an ultimate 25% federal excise tax burdensome.  Indeed, the CAO – as it stands – implements the highest tax structure for cannabis products of all the bills proposed in 2021.  Many allege that the high federal tax in addition to any state-imposed tax could promote the illicit cannabis market rather than encourage business owners to engage legally.  Additionally, the high federal tax could force states to reduce their own tax requirements, negatively affecting their own ability to fund state-run social equity and education initiatives.

For now, the public comments have been taken under advisement as the cannabis industry waits to see what the drafters decide to incorporate.  Once formally filed, the CAO will be sent to a committee for continued discussions and revisions before it can be advanced to the Senate floor for a vote.

The States Reform Act

The States Reform Act (“SRA”) is the latest comprehensive reform bill led by Republican Representative Nancy Mace and introduced in the House in November 15, 2021.  Like the MORE Act and the CAO, the SRA also seeks to decriminalize cannabis and provides retroactive expungement for non-violent federal cannabis offense, except for any person involved in a drug cartel.  However, the SRA differentiates itself by limiting federal social equity reform programs.  Instead, the SRA vests the authority  to determine what level of cannabis reform, including outright prohibition, in the individual states.  States will also retain authority to regulate the use, distribution, sale and manufacturing of cannabis, with some general federal oversight by the FDA, TTB, ATF and the Department of Agriculture.  Specifically, the SRA aims to regulate cannabis like alcohol (and alcohol alone) – another substantial difference from the CAO.  The SRA permits each state to determine the appropriate age limit for purchase of cannabis products, but incentivizes states to implement a 21+ limit by eliminating funding for highways for any state with an age limit of under 21 years of age and prohibiting advertisements directed at any person under the age of 21.  The bill also seeks to provide veterans with access to medical cannabis without fear of discrimination or denial of Veteran Affairs benefits.  The SRA also generally requires that medical cannabis be permitted for treatment of arthritis, cancer and chronic pain.  Similar to the CAO, the SRA will also allow the interstate cannabis transportation.

Notably, the SRA provides the lowest tax structure for cannabis products in comparison to other reform proposals, with the proposed imposition of a single tax rate of 3% that cannot be increased for at least 10 years.  Revenues from the tax would be used to support SBA programs for cannabis businesses, law enforcement initiatives including reentry programs, and veteran mental health programs.

Given its recency, little is known about the bill’s reception in the House and any progress that has been made.  However, the SRA does carry potential bipartisan appeal, particularly because it is sponsored by 4 Republican Representatives.  Additionally, it is anticipated that the Congressional Republicans will appreciate the SRA’s straight forward tax structure capped at a low rate for at least 10 years and its stance on states’ sovereignty regarding cannabis reform.  The real issue for the SRA is its lack of restorative justice and social equity efforts, which may be its death knell in the current Democrat-controlled House.

Implications for 2022

There are now 4 bills (3 with comprehensive legislation) circulating Capitol Hill that could provide much needed cannabis reform in 2022.  Congress will likely continue debating, revising and attempting to compromise on the terms in the MORE Act, the CAO and the SRA.  Potentially, if the 3 comprehensive bills remain on the discussion table, they will compete with one another, potentially dividing the Legislators’ support.  Congress should thus focus on forging a compromise or middle ground on these reforms to increase bipartisan support and avoid competing and inconsistent bills floating around, resulting in another year of unwanted (and unnecessary) deadlock.  Indeed, the CAO could be an example of such needed compromise – especially if the drafters seriously heed the criticisms and comments provided during the bill’s review period and consider incorporating certain bipartisan elements of the SRA, like a more stream-lined and lower rate tax structure.  With that said, the status of these cannabis reform bills, particularly the CAO and the MORE Act, face potential change should this year’s mid-term elections change the makeup of who controls the Senate, House or both.

Regardless, until Congress can iron out the kinks on comprehensive cannabis reform, the SAFE Banking Act of 2021 remains a practical law to pass in the interim.  The SAFE Banking Act of 2021 is currently the least controversial of all the cannabis-reform bills, has substantial bipartisan appeal, and will provide immediate financial resources and relief to the largely cash-based cannabis industry.  Though a small reform, it is still a necessary one that is long overdue.  The SAFE Banking Act of 2021 (and its predecessors) has already made its way through the House 6 times, proving that federal lawmakers believe it will help cannabis businessmen.  It may not resolve the issue of prohibition on cannabis, but its passage will likely be a great victory for the cannabis industry, signal federal de-stigmatization of cannabis, promote public safety by discouraging participation in the illicit cannabis market, and help cannabis-related businesses comply with tax laws.

Footnotes

[1] https://news.gallup.com/poll/356939/support-legal-marijuana-holds-record…

[2] On February 4, 2022, the SAFE Banking Act passed again in the House – this time, as an included amendment to the America COMPLETES Act.

[3] The bill is the successor to the previously introduced SAFE Banking Act of 2019.  See https://www.cannabislawblog.com/2021/09/safe-banking-act-2021/

[4] https://perlmutter.house.gov/news/documentsingle.aspx?DocumentID=5486

[5] Gary Peters, Angus King, Kevin Cramer, and Mark Kelly

[6] https://www.cannabislawblog.com/2020/12/house-representatives-passes-bil…

[7] https://www.democrats.senate.gov/imo/media/doc/CAOA%20Detailed%20Summary

 

Copyright © 2022, Sheppard Mullin Richter & Hampton LLP.

Feeling Thirsty? Wall Street, Industry Giants Stir Renewed Interest in the CBD-Beverage Market

For several years, industry giants such as Coca-ColaPepsiCo, and Anheuser-Busch have made waves announcing future plans to explore the CBD-beverage market. And last week, Nasdaq published an article on the future of investment opportunities in cannabis-infused drinks. Perhaps most notable from the article was Nasdaq’s expected valuation for the CBD beverage market — a staggering $1.4 billion by 2023.

While it is true that certain investors are seeing green in the CBD-beverage market, the space is still plagued by a landmine of legal uncertainty and questions. Hemp-derived CBD was legalized at the federal level by the Agriculture Improvement Act of 2018, also known as the Farm Bill. However, as we previously discussed, the FDA and FTC have overlapping enforcement authority over the marketing of CBD products, which can include anything from food products to dietary supplements to beverages with CBD added. And as recently as November 16, 2021, the FDA reiterated that its approach to regulating the CBD industry will be same as it has been  — a regulatory minefield. The acting Deputy Center Director for Regulatory Policy at the FDA’s Center for Drug Evaluation and Research recently emphasized the agency’s position that it needs additional CBD research and safety data before it will consider CBD for uses beyond prescription drugs, including usage as a food or beverage additive or dietary supplement.

Companies marketing CBD beverages should take careful steps to ensure compliance with the FDA’s labeling requirements and guidance regarding CBD products. Unless and until the FDA provides further guidance, we can expect the back-and-forth game to continue with CBD companies entering the beverage space and the FDA initiating periodic enforcement actions. At a minimum, CBD companies entering the beverage space should refrain from making health claims, such as a product “can prevent, treat, or cure” a disease, as these claims are ripe for FDA enforcement actions. We provided several marketing dos and don’ts in a previous blog post that apply with equal force to the CBD beverage industry.

With industry experts claiming that the “best way to consume cannabinoids is through a beverage,” and Nasdaq reporting on the investment opportunities that surround CBD beverages, it is no surprise that CBD beverages are exploding in popularity.

This article was written by Rachel Sodee and Richard Swor of Bradley Arant Boult Cummings law firm. For more articles about CBD products, please click here.

Mississippi Enacts Medical Marijuana Law

Mississippi Governor Tate Reeves signed legislation legalizing medical cannabis on February 2, 2022. Known as the “Mississippi Medical Cannabis Act”, the law permits the use of medical cannabis to treat certain debilitating medical conditions including cancer, Parkinson’s disease, Huntington’s disease, muscular dystrophy, HIV/AIDS, hepatitis, ALS, Crohn’s disease, ulcerative colitis, sickle-cell anemia, Alzheimer’s disease, dementia, post-traumatic stress disorder, autism,  cachexia or wasting syndrome, chronic pain, severe or intractable nausea, seizures, severe and persistent muscle spasms, among others.  The law was effective immediately upon signing by the Governor, although medical cannabis will not become available for months.

Medical cannabis products will include cannabis flower, cannabis extracts, edible cannabis products, beverages, topical products, ointments, oils, tinctures and suppositories.

The medical cannabis law contains many favorable provisions for employers.  Specifically:

  1. Employers are not required to permit or accommodate the medical use of medical cannabis, or to modify any job or working conditions or any employee who engages in the medical use of cannabis, or seeks to engage in the medical use of cannabis;
  2. Employers are not prohibited from refusing to hire, discharging, disciplining, or otherwise taking adverse employment action against an individual with respect to hiring, discharging, tenure, terms, conditions or privileges of employment as a result, in whole or in part, of that individual’s medical use of medical cannabis, regardless of the individual’s impairment or lack of impairment resulting from the medical use of medical cannabis;
  3. Employers are not prohibited from establishing or enforcing a drug testing policy;
  4. Employers may discipline employees who use medical cannabis in the workplace or who work while under the influence of medical cannabis.
  5. The law does not interfere with, impair or impede any federal requirements or regulations such as the U.S. Department of Transportation’s drug and alcohol testing regulations;
  6. The law does not permit, authorize or establish an individual’s right to commence or undertake any legal action against an employer for refusing to hire, discharging, disciplining or otherwise taking an adverse employment action against an individual with respect to hiring, discharging, tenure, terms, conditions or privileges or employment due to the individual’s medical use of medical cannabis;
  7. Employers and their workers’ compensation carriers are not required to pay for or to reimburse an individual for the costs associated with the medical use of cannabis;
  8. The law does not affect, alter or otherwise impact the workers’ compensation premium discount available to employers who establish a drug-free workplace program in accordance with Miss. Code Section 71-3-201 et seq.;
  9. The law does not affect, alter or otherwise impact an employer’s right to deny or establish legal defenses to the payment of workers’ compensation benefits to an employee on the basis of a positive drug test or refusal to submit to or cooperate with a drug test, as provided under Miss. Code Sections 71-3-7 and 71-3-121;
  10. The law does not authorize an individual to act with negligence, gross negligence, recklessness, in breach of any applicable professional or occupational standard of care, or to effect an intentional wrong, as a result, in whole or in part, of that individual’s medical use of medical cannabis;
  11. The law prohibits smoking and vaping medical cannabis in a public place or in a motor vehicle;
  12. The law prohibits operating, navigating, or being in actual physical control of any motor vehicle, aircraft, train, motor boat or other conveyance in a manner that would violate state or federal law as a result, in whole or in part, of that individual’s medical use of medical cannabis; and,
  13. The law does not create a private right of action by an employee against an employer.

Mississippi employers should review the law to determine whether any revisions to drug and alcohol testing policies or other workplace policies will be necessary.

Jackson Lewis P.C. © 2022

Oregon Health Authority Adopts COVID-19 Vaccination and Masking Rules in Healthcare and K-12 Education

On January 31, 2022, the Oregon Health Authority (OHA) published permanent rules relating to COVID-19 vaccination and masking requirements in healthcare settings, just a few days after issuing similar rules for K-12 schools. The permanent rules replaced temporary rules that expire after 180 days.

The permanent rules for both healthcare and K-12 settings will “remain in effect unless the State Public Health Director or State Public Health Officer issues an order stating that the requirements . . . are no longer necessary to control COVID-19.” Under both rules, the factors that may lead to a loosening of restrictions or rescission of the permanent rules include the following:

  • “The degree of COVID-19 transmission”

  • “COVID-19 related hospitalizations and deaths”

  • “Disparate COVID-19 related health impacts on communities of color and tribal communities”

  • “Guidance from the U.S. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention”

  • “Proportion of the population partially or fully vaccinated”

The statewide temporary indoor mask mandate is set to expire on February 8, 2022. OHA is still reviewing public comments on a proposed permanent indoor mask mandate and expects to publish a permanent rule in the coming weeks. Healthcare and K-12 employers may want to revisit their COVID-19 policies and workplace practices to consider whether they are complying

© 2022, Ogletree, Deakins, Nash, Smoak & Stewart, P.C., All Rights Reserved.
For similar articles on public health, visit the NLR Health Care Law section.

New Tools in the Fight Against Counterfeit Pharmaceuticals

The explosive growth of internet pharmacies and direct-to-consumer shipment of pharmaceuticals has provided increased access to, and reduced the cost of, important medications. Unfortunately, these same forces have increased the risks that counterfeit medicines will make their way to consumers, endangering patient safety and affecting manufacturers’ reputation in the public eye.

While the Food and Drug Administration attempts to police such misconduct through enforcement of the Food, Drug, and Cosmetics Act (FDCA), the resources devoted to enforcement are simply no match for the size and scope of the counterfeiting threat. Fortunately, pharmaceutical manufacturers are not without recourse, as several well-established tools may be used in the right circumstances to stop counterfeiters from profiting from the sale of knock-offs.

Experienced litigators can use the Lanham Act and the Racketeer Influenced Corrupt Organizations (RICO) Act to stop unscrupulous individuals and organizations from deceiving customers with counterfeit versions of trademarked drugs. Until recently, these legal weapons – including search warrants, seizures, forfeitures, and significant penalties – were typically wielded only by the government and only in criminal prosecutions.

As one recent case demonstrates, however, many of the tools that law enforcement has used for years to combat counterfeiters are also available to pharmaceutical manufacturers. In Gilead Sciences, Inc. v. Safe Chain Solutions, LLC, et al., the manufacturer of several trademarked HIV medications filed a civil complaint, under seal, alleging violations of the Lanham Act and RICO against scores of individuals and companies that were allegedly selling counterfeit versions of these drugs to patients across the country.

By deploying private investigators and techniques typically used by law enforcement, Gilead was able to gather a substantial amount of evidence before even filing the case. The company then used this evidence to secure ex parte seizure warrants and asset freezes, allowing it to locate and seize thousands of counterfeit pills and packaging before they could be shipped to unsuspecting consumers. Through the seizure of the financial proceeds of the alleged counterfeiting, Gilead prevented the dissipation of assets. If the company can successfully prove its RICO case, it stands to recover treble damages and attorneys’ fees as well.

Manufacturers of trademarked pharmaceuticals may consider using these and other tools to tackle the threat posed by counterfeiters. By drawing upon the experience and skills of trained litigators – particularly counsel who previously deployed these tools on behalf of the government while serving as federal prosecutors – companies can proactively protect their intellectual property and the consumers who depend on their products.

© 2022 BARNES & THORNBURG LLP

Phantom Participants with Real-World Ramifications: Clinical Drug Trial Data Falsification

As if medical-related disinformation was not pernicious enough, unscrupulous actors seek to enrich themselves from falsifying clinical drug trial data. A Florida-based clinical research firm project manager was sentenced to 30 months in prison because of his involvement in a conspiracy to falsify clinical drug trial data. Previously, the primary investigator, clinic owner, and another senior employee at Miami-based Tellus Clinical Research were charged with various counts of mail and wire fraud, money laundering, as well as making false statements to Food and Drug Administration (FDA) inspectors. A researcher or other employee of the medical clinic could have reported this conspiracy to the government and shared in 15-25% of the government’s recovery.

Pharmaceutical companies sponsor clinical research trials to gather data on the safety and efficacy of the drugs they manufacture. Prior to commencing research trials, pharmaceutical companies or “sponsors” must submit to the FDA their “study protocol,” which identifies who can participate, drug dosages and timing, and how the study’s performance will be measured. Sponsors engage contract research organizations (CROs) to perform the clinical trials, and the CRO must ensure compliance with the study protocol and FDA regulations. In this case, a clinical research firm contracted with pharmaceutical manufacturers to conduct trials related to an opioid dependency treatment, an irritable bowel syndrome drug, and diabetic nephropathy or kidney disease medication. The sponsors would reimburse the CRO a set amount per study participant and for some fees and Tellus would pay participants in accordance with the study protocol.

How the research firm gamed the system involved the eligibility requirements for the studies: each of these clinical trials required patients to meet certain requirements for participation. Instead of honestly recruiting patients with the diagnoses needed to participate in the program, the defendants enrolled people without applicable diagnoses and falsely claimed that study participants completed all the requirements in the study protocol, to garner more payments from the clinical trial sponsors. Several of the defendants enrolled friends and family members to bump up the research firm’s participation numbers, and other research firm employees went so far as to misappropriate personal information from third parties without their knowledge or consent. The co-conspirators also falsified clinical notes and medical records of these unwitting participants, claiming to have performed medical exams, drawn blood for testing, and made payments to participants. This elaborate conspiracy served to wrongfully enrich the research firm owner and senior management at the expense of pharmaceutical companies and ultimately patients.

Clinical research fraud is harmful to consumers. As the Assistant Commissioner for the FDA Office of Criminal Investigations (OCI) stated, “Compromised clinical trial data could impact the agency’s decisions about the safety and effectiveness of the drug under review.” Consumers could end up with unsafe medications due to fraudsters’ schemes.

A whistleblower could have reported this fraud to the FDA and ensured only drugs which perform well in clinical trials on real human beings make it to market. The Department of Justice needs whistleblowers to report fraud involving clinical drug trials.

© 2022 by Tycko & Zavareei LLP
For more content about the FDA and drug trials, visit the NLR Biotech, Food & Drug section.