President Biden’s FY 2024 Budget Includes Additional Funding for TSCA and Funding to Address PFAS Pollution

On March 9, 2023, President Biden released his fiscal year (FY) 2024 budget. According to the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency’s (EPA) March 9, 2023, press release, the budget requests over $12 billion in discretionary budget authority for EPA in FY 2024, a $1.9 billion or 19 percent increase from the FY 2023 enacted level. Highlights of the FY 2024 budget include:

  • Ensuring Safety of Chemicals for People and the Environment: The budget provides an investment of $130 million, $49 million more than the 2023 enacted level, to build core capacity to implement the Toxic Substances Control Act (TSCA). Under TSCA, EPA has a responsibility to ensure the safety of chemicals in or entering commerce. According to EPA, in FY 2024, it “will focus on evaluating, assessing, and managing risks from exposure to new and existing industrial chemicals to advance human health protection in our communities.” EPA states that “[a]nother priority is to implement [the Federal Insecticide, Fungicide, and Rodenticide Act (FIFRA)] to ensure pesticides pose no unreasonable risks to human health and the environment.”
  • Tackling Per- and Polyfluoroalkyl Substances (PFAS) Pollution: The budget provides approximately $170 million to combat PFAS pollution. This request allows EPA to continue working toward commitments made under EPA’s 2021 PFAS Strategic Roadmap, including: increasing its knowledge of PFAS impacts on human health and ecological effects; restricting use to prevent PFAS from entering the air, land, and water; and remediating PFAS that have been released into the environment.

EPA states that it will release the full Congressional Justification and Budget in Brief materials “soon.”

©2023 Bergeson & Campbell, P.C.

The EPA and Army Corps’ “Waters of the U.S.” (WOTUS) Rule to Become Effective on March 20

In January of 2023, the federal Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) and the U.S. Army Corps of Engineers (USACE) published in the Federal Register (see Federal Register/Vol. 88, No. 11, January 18, 2023) new rules that define which water bodies are classified under the Clean Water Act (CWA) as “waters of the U.S.” (WOTUS). While this may not appear to be significant, the adoption of these rules will have major implications for how federal agencies will identify the types of water bodies that are subject to jurisdiction under the CWA. The January 18th Federal Register publication provides that these new rules will become effective on March 20, 2023.

The CWA is the law that provides federal agencies the authority to prohibit or limit various activities that can impact WOTUS, such as the regulation of industrial and municipal wastewater discharges to navigable waters, the dredging or filling of wetlands, and the requirement to prepare “Stormwater Pollution Prevention Plans” (SWPPP) for industrial facilities. It also is the basis for much State law water regulation.

Applicability of the CWA

To be classified as a WOTUS, a water body must be considered to be “navigable,” but this term is more arcane than it might at first appear. Navigable waters as defined by the CWA includes, “waters of the United States,” and has been further defined by regulation to include those waters that “are subject to the ebb and flow of the tide and/or are presently used, or have been used in the past, or may be susceptible for use to transport interstate or foreign commerce.” This approach to navigability has led some states to adopt a “saw log test” as to whether the body of water could float a saw log for commercial purposes. In other states, such as Wisconsin, the test for navigability is whether the body of water can on a recurring basis – even if intermittent – support navigation by the smallest recreational craft, such as a canoe or kayak. Therefore, navigable waters not only can include larger lakes, rivers and streams, but can also include less obvious smaller water types such as wetlands adjacent to navigable waters, and even in some instances, ditches that hold water. While the CWA provides federal jurisdiction over WOTUS, the CWA does not actually define the term WOTUS; rather, it provides authority for EPA and the USACE to define WOTUS in regulations, which since the 1970s, the agencies at various times have done.

The Rapanos Decision and Competing Rationales

Further, the definition of what constitutes WOTUS has been reviewed in several U.S. Supreme Court cases, but the most significant case on this subject is the 2006 case of Rapanos v. United States, 547 U.S. 715 (2006), in which the Supreme Court interpreted the definition of WOTUS using two separate tests. In a four-justice plurality opinion written by Justice Scalia, WOTUS was defined as “only those relatively permanent, standing or continuously flowing bodies of water forming geographic features that are described in ordinary parlance as streams[,] … oceans, rivers, [and] lakes,” and “wetlands with a continuous surface connection” to a “relatively permanent body of water connected to traditional interstate navigable waters.” However, Justice Kennedy applied a different approach in a concurring opinion and stated that WOTUS must possess a “significant nexus” to waters that are or were navigable in fact or that could reasonably be so made.” He added that adjacent wetlands could possess a significant nexus if the wetlands “either alone or in combination with similarly situated lands in the region, significantly affect the chemical, physical, and biological integrity of other covered waters more readily understood as ‘navigable.'”

Regulatory Attempts to Define WOTUS Following Rapanos

Following Rapanos, the agencies have at various times developed guidance for implementing the WOTUS definition. For example, in 2015, under the Obama administration, the agencies amended their regulations defining WOTUS as part of the “Clean Water Rule, which expanded the definition of which water bodies were defined as WOTUS, and included the use of the “significant nexus” test. Again, in 2020, under the Trump administration, another rule was adopted, known as the “Navigable Waters Protection Rule” (NWPR), which limited the types of water bodies that were considered WOTUS under the previous 2015 Clean Water Rule. However, in 2021, in Pasqua Yaqui Tribe v. EPA, (Case No. 4:20-cv-00266), the U.S. District Court for the District of Arizona vacated implementation of the NWPR nationwide. The new rules published in the January 2023 Federal Register represents the Biden administration’s effort to rewrite the WOTUS rules following the vacation of the NWPR, allowing the agencies the ability to use both Justice Scalia’s “relatively permanent” test or Justice Kennedy’s “significant nexus” test in determining whether they have jurisdiction over water bodies.

WOTUS under the New Rule

Use of the “relatively permanent” test or the “significant nexus” test is apparent in the new rule’s definition of WOTUS. The 2023 rules identify the following waters as WOTUS:

  • Traditional navigable waters, the territorial seas, and interstate waters;
  • Impoundments of waters otherwise identified as WOTUS;
  • Tributaries of navigable waters, territorial seas, interstate waters, or impoundments if the tributaries meet the relatively permanent test or the significant nexus test;
  • “Adjacent wetlands,” which includes wetlands adjacent to navigable waters, wetlands adjacent to and with a continuous surface connection to relatively permanent impoundments, wetlands adjacent to tributaries that are relatively permanent, and wetlands adjacent to impoundments or tributaries which meet the significant nexus test; and
  • Intrastate lakes and ponds, streams, or wetlands not listed above which meet the relatively permanent test or the significant nexus test.

The 2023 rules specifically exclude the following from the WOTUS definition, though some activities may still be subject to Wisconsin rules:

  • Prior converted cropland;
  • Waste treatment systems;
  • Ditches (including roadside ditches) excavated wholly in and draining only dry land, and that do not carry a relatively permanent flow of water;
  • Artificially irrigated areas that would revert to dry land if the irrigation ceased.
  • Artificial lakes or ponds created by excavating or diking dry land, that are used exclusively for stock watering, irrigation, settling basins or rice growing;
  • Artificial reflecting pools or swimming pools, and other small ornamental water bodies created by excavating or diking;
  • Waterfilled depressions in dry land incidental to construction activity and pits excavated in dry land for obtaining fill, sand or gravel unless the construction is abandoned and the water body meets the definition of WOTUS; and
  • Swales and erosional features that are characterized by low volume, infrequent, or short duration flow.

Where is this Going?

While these new WOTUS rules become effective on March 20, 2023, the future of these new rules is in question as the U.S. Supreme Court is reviewing a case (Sackett v. EPA, 142 S. Ct. 896 (2022)) in which the legal sufficiency of the “significant nexus” test, in the context of wetland permitting, is under review. The Court’s opinion is expected to be issued after the 2023 rules becomes effective. Therefore, depending on the Court’s opinion related to the “significant nexus” test, it is possible that the 2023 rules may need to be revised. Further, in early March, a federal Congressional Committee (the House Transportation and Infrastructure Committee) approved a joint resolution to overturn the 2023 rules. In addition, several industry groups have filed suits to overturn the 2023 rules. These definitions have always been politically and scientifically contentious and we expect that to continue.

Due to the potential flux in which this new rule may ultimately be applied and considered, it will be increasingly important for the regulated public to keep abreast of which water bodies are ultimately determined to be classified as WOTUS, either by the agencies through regulation or guidance, by a U.S. Supreme Court decision in Sackett, and/or other legal or Congressional challenges. We will be tracking the implementation of this new rule by the agencies and related caselaw developments and Congressional challenges and will provide timely future Legal Updates. In the meantime, the extent of regulations of WOTUS – particularly wetlands – will continue to be very challenging.

©2023 von Briesen & Roper, s.c

Administration’s WOTUS Rule Muddies Jurisdictional Waters

The U.S. Environmental Protection Agency and the U.S. Army Corps of Engineers have issued a new definition of “waters of the United States” (WOTUS), which becomes effective on March 20. The regulated community is watching this new definition of WOTUS because it will determine federal jurisdiction under the Clean Water Act.

For example, projects involving oil or natural gas development or pipeline construction require federal permitting for impacts from crossing, or otherwise disturbing, WOTUS. Generally speaking, the more impacts to such federally regulated streams and wetlands, the more complicated, expensive and lengthy the Corps Section 404 permitting.

In addition to determining the scope of federal permitting for the dredging/filling of streams and wetlands, the WOTUS definition also determines the scope of several other federal regulations, including regulations associated with National Pollutant Discharge Elimination System permitting, Spill Prevention, Control and Countermeasure plans and federal spill reporting. Although WOTUS is not defined in the CWA, the WOTUS definition appears in 11 different federal regulations.

Overview And Background

The agencies have promoted this final rule as establishing a “durable definition” that will “reduce uncertainty” in identifying WOTUS. However, this definition does not appear to provide much-needed clarity. Rather, generally speaking, the new definition codifies the approach that the agencies already have been informally utilizing to determine WOTUS, for example, relying on the definition of WOTUS from the late 1980s, as interpreted by subsequent U. S. Supreme Court decisions (such as the 2006 case, Rapanos v. United States). Challenges to the new definition are already underway.

The definition of WOTUS has been debated for nearly two decades, starting with several U. S. Supreme Court cases, which addressed the meaning of the 1980s WOTUS definition. This 1980s definition is very brief and is open to much interpretation because it does not include any defined terms. As discussed further below, rather than providing clarity, the U.S. Supreme Court decisions introduced additional uncertainty by offering more than one test for determining WOTUS.

Subsequently, Presidents Obama and Trump each introduced their own WOTUS definitions. President Barack Obama introduced the Clean Water Rule (CWR) in 2015, and President Donald Trump introduced the Navigable Waters Protection Rule (NWPR) in 2020.

Not surprisingly, the CWR entailed a broader interpretation of WOTUS, based heavily of Justice Anthony Kennedy’s significant nexus test in Rapanos, while the NWPR was based heavily on Justice Antonin Scalia’s “relatively permanent waters” test in Rapanos. Both the CWR and the NWPR were immediately and significantly challenged. Neither rule remains in effect.

Current Status

The Biden administration published its draft definition of WOTUS on Dec. 7. The final rule was published in the Federal Register on Jan. 18. The agencies’ approach to interpreting WOTUS relies heavily on both of the frequently discussed tests identified in the Rapanos decision. In Rapanos, Justice Scalia issued the plurality opinion, which held that WOTUS would include only “relatively permanent, standing or continuously flowing bodies of water” connected to traditional navigable waters, and to “wetlands with a continuous surface connection to such relatively permanent waters” (such as adjacent wetlands).

Justice Kennedy, however, advanced a broader WOTUS interpretation in his concurring opinion, which was based on the concept of a “significant nexus” (for instance, wetlands should be considered as WOTUS “if the wetlands, either alone or in combination with similarly situated lands in the region, significantly affect the chemical, physical and biological integrity of other covered water”). President Biden’s new definition directly quotes and codifies these tests as regulations that may be relied upon to support a WOTUS determination.

While this new WOTUS definition may not be, conceptually, a significant change to how the agencies regulate streams and wetlands, the new definition may expand the agencies’ interpretation of a wetland that is “adjacent” to a WOTUS, through its lengthy discussion of adjacent wetlands in the final rule’s preamble.

The new definition also may expand how the agencies determine whether a water body will “significantly affect” a WOTUS, by providing a definition of “significantly affect,” which enumerates five factors to assess and five functions to consider in evaluating whether a potentially unregulated water will have a “material influence” on a traditionally navigable water.

Factors include distance from the traditionally navigable water, hydrologic factors and climatological variables. Functions include contribution of flow and retention and attenuation of runoff. Both the factors and the functions are broad and open to interpretation, which may lead to the agencies asserting jurisdiction over more water bodies. The new definition also codifies that the effect of the potentially regulated water must be evaluated alone “or in combination with similarly situated waters in the region,” which likely will broaden how the agencies evaluate the potential regulation of ephemeral and isolated water bodies.

Supreme Court And Congress

Publication of this definition, at this time, is likely a preemptive move by the agencies in advance of the Supreme Court’s impending decision in Sackett v. EPA, a case in which the court will, again, weigh in on the definition of WOTUS.

In Sackett, landowners in Idaho have had a long-standing challenge to an administrative order issued against them for allegedly filling wetlands without a permit. The Sacketts assert that Justice Kennedy’s significant nexus test in Rapanos is not the appropriate test to delineate wetlands as WOTUS, and that, under the test identified by Justice Scalia, the wetlands on their property are not WOTUS.

In 2021, the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Ninth Circuit ruled against the Sacketts’ position and held that the “significant nexus” test in the Kennedy concurrence was the controlling opinion from Rapanos. The Sacketts petitioned the U.S. Supreme Court to consider whether Rapanos should be revisited to adopt the plurality’s test for wetland jurisdiction under the CWA. However, the Supreme Court instead will consider the narrow issue of whether the Ninth Circuit “set forth the proper test for determining whether wetlands are WOTUS.”

Some have speculated that the U.S. Supreme Court’s opinion may support a narrower interpretation of WOTUS than the agencies have been implementing. For example, if the court narrows or eliminates the “significant nexus” test, the decision will create even more uncertainty in identifying WOTUS and may invalidate the Biden administration’s definition. The Sackett opinion is expected by this summer.

In a letter dated Jan. 30, 25 Republican governors asked President Biden to delay implementation of the new WOTUS definition until the U.S. Supreme Court issued the Sackett decision. The governors oppose the new definition and claim that it is, among other things, ill-timed, burdensome and overbroad. The governors assert that delaying implementation of the new definition until after the issuance of the Sackett decision will minimize the number of changes to the definition in a short time. The governors stated that multiple revisions would “impose an unnecessary strain on farmers, builders and every other impacted sector of the American economy.”

Consistent with the sentiments of the Republican governors, in early February, Republican members of Congress, led by Senator Shelley Moore Capito, R-W.V., and representatives Sam Graves, R-Mo., and David Rouzer, R-N.C., announced that they intended to use the Congressional Review Act to formally challenge the new WOTUS definition through a joint resolution of disapproval. The hearing was held on Feb 8.

The CRA provides Congress a mechanism to vote to disapprove agency rules that go beyond the authority Congress granted to federal agencies and to send the resolution to the president, who can approve or veto the resolution. If passed, the joint resolution of disapproval could invalidate the rule and prohibit an agency from issuing a rule that is in substantially the same form without further congressional authorization. President Biden is expected to veto any such joint resolution of disapproval.

Consistent with Obama’s CWR and Trump’s NWPR, the new WOTUS definition already has been challenged in the U.S. District Court of the Southern District of Texas by Texas and 18 industry groups, including the American Petroleum Institute, claiming that the new definition is “unworkable” and in conflict with the CWA (see accompanying story, page 30). These challenges may result in the stay or vacatur of the new definition. If this occurs, the agencies may, again, revert back to the current WOTUS definition.

© Copyright Babst, Calland, Clements and Zomnir, P.C.

EPA Updates TSCA Inventory, Plans Next Update in Summer 2023

The U.S. Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) announced on February 16, 2023, that the latest Toxic Substances Control Act (TSCA) Chemical Substance Inventory is now available on its website. The TSCA Inventory is a list of all existing chemical substances manufactured, processed, or imported in the United States. According to EPA, this update to the public TSCA Inventory is part of its biannual posting of non-confidential Inventory data. EPA plans the next regular update of the TSCA Inventory for summer 2023.

EPA states that the TSCA Inventory contains 86,685 chemicals, of which 42,170 are active in U.S. commerce. Other updates to the Inventory include new commercial activity data, unique identifier data, and regulatory flags (e.g., significant new use rules and test orders). EPA notes that additionally, several hundred substances are now listed with their specific chemical identities after having been moved from the confidential portion of the Inventory to the public portion as part of EPA’s TSCA confidential business information (CBI) review efforts.

Lastly, EPA reminds TSCA submitters to check regularly for any correspondence relating to their submissions in EPA’s Central Data Exchange (CDX). EPA states that it sends “critical and time-sensitive information regarding confidentiality claims through CDX, and failing to open this correspondence can delay the Agency’s processing of those claims.”

©2023 Bergeson & Campbell, P.C.

Biden Administration Sets New Course on ESG Investing in Retirement Plans

In late 2022, the Department of Labor finalized a new rule titled “Prudence in Selecting Plan Investments and Exercising Shareholder Rights,” largely reversing Trump-era guidance that had strictly limited the ability of plan fiduciaries to consider “environmental, social, and governance” (ESG) factors in selecting retirement plan investments and generally discouraged the exercise of proxy voting. In short, the new rule allows a fiduciary to consider ESG factors in selecting investment options, provided that the selection serves the financial interests of the plan and its participants over an appropriate time horizon, and encourages fiduciaries to engage in proxy voting.

The final rule moves away from 2020 Trump-era rulemaking by allowing more leeway for fiduciaries to consider ESG factors in selecting investment options. Specifically, the rule states that a “fiduciary’s duty of prudence must be based on factors that the fiduciary reasonably determines are relevant to a risk and return analysis and that such factors may include the economic effects of climate change and other ESG considerations on the particular investment or investment course of action.” The rule makes clear, however, that there is no requirement to affirmatively consider ESG factors, effectively limiting its scope and effect and putting the onus on fiduciaries to determine whether they want to incorporate ESG factors into their assessments of competing investments.

Overview

  • Similar to the Trump-era guidance, there is no definition of “ESG” or an “ESG”-style fund. Debate continues over what kinds of funds can be considered ESG investments, especially in light of the fact that some companies in industries traditionally thought to be inconsistent with ESG conscious investing are now trying to attract ESG investors (e.g. industrials, energy).
  • Fiduciaries are not required to consider ESG factors in selecting investment options. However, the consideration of such factors is not a presumed violation of a fiduciary’s duty of loyalty or prudence. Unlike the prior rule, which suggested that consideration of ESG factors could only be considered if all other pecuniary factors between competing investments were equal (the “tiebreaker” approach), the new rule allows a fiduciary to consider potential financial benefits of ESG investing in all circumstances.
  • Plan fiduciaries may take into account participant preferences in constructing a fund lineup. Therefore, if participants express a desire for ESG investment options, then it may be reasonable for plan fiduciaries to add ESG funds or to consider ESG factors in crafting the fund lineup.
  • ESG-centric funds may be used as qualified default investments (QDIAs) within retirement plans, reversing the prior outright prohibition on use of such funds as QDIAs.
  • In some situations, fiduciaries may be required to exercise shareholder rights when required to protect participant interests. It is unclear whether the exercise of such rights is only limited to situations that have an economic impact on the plan, or applies to additional situations. The clarification suggests that the exercise of proxy voting is not disfavored as an inefficient use of fiduciaries’ time and resources, as the prior iteration of the rule suggested.

Effective Date and Challenges to the Regulation

The new rule became effective in January 2023, except for delayed applicability of proxy voting provisions. However, twenty five state attorneys general have joined a lawsuit in federal court in Texas that seeks to overturn the regulation. The court is in the Fifth Circuit, which historically has been hostile to past Department of Labor regulations (including Obama-era fiduciary rules overturned in 2018, though the ESG rule is less far-reaching than the fiduciary rule and may survive a challenge even in the Fifth Circuit). Congressional Republicans have also introduced a Congressional Review Act (CRA) review proposal to repeal the regulation that has gained the support of Joe Manchin (D-WV). Although CRA actions are not subject to Senate filibuster rules, they are subject to presidential veto, which President Biden is sure to do if the repeal reaches his desk.

Action Steps

Employers should assume that the ESG rules will remain in effect and engage with plan fiduciaries, advisors, and employees and determine the extent to which ESG considerations should (or should not) enter into fiduciary deliberations when considering plan investment alternatives. Some investment advisors have already begun to include separate ESG scorecards for mutual funds and other investments in their regular plan investment reviews. Fiduciaries should also consider whether and how the approach that is ultimately taken should be reflected in the plan’s investment policy statement. Plans that delegate full control over investments to an independent fiduciary (an ERISA 3(38) advisor) should engage with their advisor to determine whether and the extent to which ESG considerations will be part of that fiduciary’s process, and whether that is consistent with the desires of the plan fiduciaries and participants.

© 2023 Jones Walker LLP

Canadian PFAS Drinking Water Standards Proposed

We have documented for several years now the U.S. EPA’s efforts to propose enforceable drinking water standards with respect to PFAS, and in September 2022, the World Health Organization (WHO) issues its own draft “PFOS and PFOS In Drinking-Water” Background Document.  Now, on the heels of these developments, Canadian PFAS drinking water standards were introduced, which add another regulatory layer to the globally evolving PFAS regulatory scheme. Notably, Canada takes a different approach than both the United States and the WHO in addressing PFAS drinking water issues, but the proposal will nonetheless have impacts on U.S. PFAS litigation if passed.

Canadian PFAS Drinking Water Standards

Canada’s draft proposal sets a limit of 30 ppt for any detected PFAS combined in a given drinking water source. This is in contrast to the WHO, which only addressed PFOA and PFOS in its draft recommendations for drinking water standards, and the EPA, which by all indications will only propose enforceable drinking water standards for a small subset of the over 12,000 PFAS that exist. The Canadian standards, though, do propose requiring that EPA Testing Methods 533 or 537.1 be used for detection, which only tests for 29 PFAS types. Nevertheless, the large group approach to PFAS drinking water standards is unique for the moment to Canada, although the WHO did include in its proposal a similar limited subset of PFAS for countries to consider when setting or proposing drinking water standards.

Comments to the Canadian draft document are being accepted through April 12, 2023.

EPA’s Drinking Water Actions

We previously detailed how, on June 15, 2022, the EPA issued Health Advisories (HAs) for five specific PFAS, PFOA (interim), PFOS (interim), PFBS (final) and GenX (final). While not enforceable levels for PFAS in drinking water, the EPA’s PFAS Health Advisories are nevertheless incredibly significant for a variety of reasons, including influence on future federal and state drinking water limits, as well as potential impacts on future PFAS litigation.

The levels set by the EPA’s PFAS Health Advisories were as follows:

PFOA .004 ppt
PFOS .02 ppt
GenX 10 ppt
PFBS 2,000 ppt

Since the HAs were published, the EPA has faced several lawsuits challenging the HAs. The lawsuits generally allege that the HAs should be struck down and are not valid, as they were created “arbitrarily and capriciously.”  In support, the moving parties say that the HAs were created in an improper manner because (1) they incorporated toxicity assumptions that deviate from the EPA’s own standard methods; and (2) EPA incorporated grossly incorrect and overstated exposure assumptions―in essence, EPA used the wrong chemical when making its exposure assumptions, thereby resulting in a significantly less tolerant health advisory for [PFAS] than is warranted by the data. In addition, the parties argue that the EPA failed to go through the necessary public comment period before issuing its final GenX HA, and that in creating the GenX HA, the EPA exceeded its authority under the Safe Drinking Water Act.

Canadian PFAS Impacts On EPA Efforts and Litigation

When the WHO PFAS report was released, we wrote that the report will have an impact on existing and future litigation that challenges EPA regulatory actions focused on PFAS. Our reasoning for the prediction was that the standards proposed by the WHO were significantly higher than the EPA’s Health Advisories (which may foreshadow where the EPA’s enforceable drinking water limits will be set) even though the WHO had available to it much of the same scientific literature as the EPA. The Canadian PFAS drinking water proposal of 30 ppt is also higher than the EPA’s Health Advisories and what many predict will be the EPA’s proposed enforceable drinking water limit.  Future legal arguments challenging the EPA will likely say that the EPA is acting by ignoring the science and putting politics over the merits of scientific endeavor.

Nevertheless, whether the arguments challenging the EPA are found to be meritorious in litigation or not, the Canadian report will certainly provide ammunition to parties looking to challenge EPA action.

Conclusion

Now more than ever, the EPA is clearly on a path to regulate PFAS contamination in the country’s water, land and air. The EPA has also for the first time publicly stated when they expect such regulations to be enacted. These regulations will require states to act, as well (and some states may still enact stronger regulations than the EPA). Both the federal and the state level regulations will impact businesses and industries of many kinds, even if their contribution to drinking water contamination issues may seem on the surface to be de minimus. In states that already have PFAS drinking water standards enacted, businesses and property owners have already seen local environmental agencies scrutinize possible sources of PFAS pollution much more closely than ever before, which has resulted in unexpected costs. Beyond drinking water, though, the EPA PFAS Roadmap shows the EPA’s desire to take regulatory action well beyond just drinking water, and companies absolutely must begin preparing now for regulatory actions that will have significant financial impacts down the road.

©2023 CMBG3 Law, LLC. All rights reserved.
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EU PFAS Ban Should Raise U.S. Corporate Concerns

On February 7, 2023, the European Chemical Agency (ECHA) unveiled a 200 page proposal that would ban the use of any PFAS in the EU. While the proposal was anticipated by many, the scope of the ban nonetheless drew reactions from a myriad of sectors – from environmentalists to scientists to corporations. U.S. based companies that have any industrial or business interests in the EU must absolutely pay close attention to the EU PFAS ban and consider the impact on business interests.

EU PFAS Ban Proposal

The EU PFAS ban currently proposed would take effect 18 months from the date of enactment; however, the ECHA is contemplating phased-in restrictions of up to 12 years for uses that the group considers challenging to replace in certain applications. The proposal is only the inception of the ECHA regulatory process, which next turns to a public comment period that opens on March 22, 2023 and will run for at least six months. ECHA’s scientific committees to review the proposal and provide feedback. Given the magnitude of comments expected and the likely hurdles that the ECHA will face in finalizing the proposal, it is not expected that the proposal would be finalized prior to 2025.

The EU PFAS ban seeks to prohibit the use of over 10,000 PFAS types, excluding only a sub-class of PFAS that have been deemed “fully degradable.” The proposal indicates: “…the restriction proposal is tailored to address the manufactureplacing on the market, as well as the use of PFASs as such and as constituents in other substances, in mixtures and in articles above a certain concentration. All uses of PFASs are covered by this restriction proposal, regardless of whether they have been specifically assessed by the Dossier Submitters and/or are mentioned in this report or not, unless a specific derogation has been formulated.” (emphasis added) Several specific types of uses and consumer product applicability would be included in the first phase of the proposed ban, including cosmetics, food packaging, clothing and cookware. This first phase of the ban implementation would include uses where alternatives are known, but not yet widely available, which is the reason why the first phase would take effect within 5 years. The second phase of the ban anticipates a 12 year period of time for ban implementation and encompasses uses where alternatives to PFAS are not currently known. Significantly for U.S. business, the proposed ban includes imported goods.

Impact On U.S. Companies

In 2022, U.S. companies exported just shy of $350 billion in goods to the EU. In many instances, companies do not deliberately, intentionally, or knowingly add or utilize PFAS in finished products that are sent to the EU. However, PFAS may be used in manufacturing processes that inadvertently contaminate goods with PFAS. In addition, many U.S. companies rely on overseas companies for supply chain sourcing. Quite commonly, supply chain sources outside of the U.S. do not voluntarily provide chemical composition information for components or goods that they supply. Inquiring of those companies for such information, or certifications that the good contain no PFAS, can be extremely difficult. Getting overseas companies to provide such information often proves impossible and even when certifications are made, the devil may be in the details in terms of what is actually being certified. For example, certifying that goods contain “no hazardous substances” or “no hazardous PFAS” sound reassuring, but by what measure of “hazardous” is the statement being made? Under what country’s regulations? Using which scientific definition? The result of all of these complexities may be that many U.S. based companies need to test their products themselves, which not only increases time to market issues and financial costs associated with production, but also risks to the companies doing business in the U.S. that they may open themselves up to environmental pollution or personal injury lawsuits by conducting such testing. In addition, alternatives may not be as cost effective as PFAS, which impacts businesses and has the potential trickle-down impact of passing some of the costs on to consumers.

While debate continues in the U.S. as to the scientific validity of the “whole class” approach to regulating PFAS (of which there are over 12,000 types according to the EPA), the EU PFAS ban leapfrogs the U.S. debate stage and goes directly to proposing a regulation that would embrace such a “whole class” regulatory scheme. Without a doubt, chemical manufacturers, industrial and manufacturing companies, and some in the science community are expected to strenuously oppose such an approach to regulations for PFAS. The underlying arguments will follow ones advanced and debated already in the U.S. – i.e., not all chemicals act identically, nor have the vast majority of PFAS been shown to date to present health concerns. Proper scientific method does not permit sweeping attributions of testing on legacy PFAS like PFOA and PFOS to be extrapolated and applied to all PFAS. The EU’s response to this via their proposal is that the costs of remediating PFAS from the environment are significant enough that it warrants regulating PFAS as a class to avoid costly, decades-long, and potentially repetitive remediation work in the EU.

Conclusions

It is of the utmost importance for businesses to evaluate their PFAS risk. Public health and environmental groups urge legislators to regulate these compounds in the U.S. and abroad. One major point of contention among members of various industries is whether to regulate PFAS as a class or as individual compounds.  While each PFAS compound has a unique chemical makeup and impacts the environment and the human body in different ways, some groups argue PFAS should be regulated together as a class because they interact with each other in the body, thereby resulting in a collective impact. Other groups argue that the individual compounds are too diverse and that regulating them as a class would be over restrictive for some chemicals and not restrictive enough for others.

Companies should remain informed so they do not get caught off guard. States are increasingly passing PFAS product bills that differ in scope. For any manufacturers, especially those who sell goods overseas, it is important to understand how the various standards among countries will impact them, whether PFAS is regulated as individual compounds or as a class. Conducting regular self-audits for possible exposure to PFAS risk and potential regulatory violations can result in long term savings for companies and should be commonplace in their own risk assessment.

©2023 CMBG3 Law, LLC. All rights reserved.
For more Environmental Law news, click here to visit the National Law Review

Washington PFAS Soil Standards

To start off the new year, Washington introduced its “Draft Guidance for Investigating and Remediating PFAS Contamination In Washington State”, which provides guidance principles for companies looking to remediate land of six specific types of PFAS – PFOA, PFOS, PFNA, PFHxS, PFBS, and GenX. The Washington PFAS soil standards follow similar guidance documents by New Jersey (2022) and Pennsylvania (2021). None of the three states have soil standards that would be used for the purposes of identifying potential responsible parties. As other states follow suit, though, it is likely that other states will begin setting PFAS soil standards that include both a remediatory guideline and liability purpose. Companies are well-advised to closely follow developments at the state level with respect to PFAS soil standards.

PFAS Soil Standards In Washington

Washington’s guidance would, if approved, be able to be utilized for both private cleanups (or diligence initiatives) and state-led remediation efforts. The draft guidance document cautions that even if finalized, parties engaged in site cleanup need to be aware that the science and regulations with respect to PFAS are changing, so coordination with the state is key. The state would still need to approve proposed remediation plans, even if in line with the Guidance document, as state approval of remediation proposals is highly fact-specific. In addition, the state will look at proposed plans through the lens of future reopener issues, and will aim to work with parties at the outset to avoid such issues.

Impact On Businesses

As noted above, the PFAS soil standards do not create liability if soil is discovered to contain levels of PFAS above the noted limits. Instead, the regulations provide guidance to site remediators, to provide clarity as to the extent and scope of PFAS remediation necessary from contaminated sites. Nevertheless, companies in Washington are advised to use the limits in the regulations as baselines testing during the diligence phase of any property or corporate acquisition. It is critical to determine whether or not sites owned by the businesses or sites that companies may inadvertently be polluting with PFAS have elevated levels of PFAS such that future liability concerns may arise.

Businesses outside of Washington must be aware of the regulations and closely follow legislation and regulatory action in discussion with respect to PFAS soil standards. While drinking water and wastewater have certainly received the most attention from a PFAS regulatory perspective, efforts are being made in several states to collect data with respect to PFAS soil contamination, with the long-term goal of enacting science based PFAS soil standards.

©2023 CMBG3 Law, LLC. All rights reserved.
For more Environmental Law News, click here to visit the National Law Review.

Nigeria’s Energy Sector: Looking Back at 2022 and Looking Ahead in 2023

We review the key events of 2022 in Nigeria’s energy sector – a year that saw significant steps in the implementation of PIA, intermittent M&A activity and the continuing effects of crude theft. We also consider what we can expect in 2023, ahead of what appears to be Nigeria’ closest presidential election yet.

2022: What happened in legal matters?

The Petroleum Industry Act (PIA) entered its second year of effectiveness and continued its slow march of implementation . The most notable step was the official “relaunch” of The Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation as NNPC Limited in July in a high profile ceremony led by President Buhari. As mandated in the PIA, NNPC Limited was incorporated as a new CAMA company which is wholly owned by the Nigerian government. Key consequences of this transition include:

  • Commercial entity: NNPC Limited is a limited liability company (rather than a state-owned and state-funded corporation) and is intended to operate as a commercial entity. It is expected to publish annual reports and audited accounts and declare dividends to its shareholders – the Nigerian government, and therefore should remain a vital contributor to state revenues.

  • Independence from government and self supporting: The new NNPC Limited is independent and should not depend on government support for its operations. It is expected to raise its own funds, which may lead to wider adoption of the incorporated joint venture model (as provided for, but is not mandatory, under PIA). Whether this will help unlock NNPC’s capability to be a functioning and cash call paying partner in its joint operations remains to be seen. The extent of actual government control and direction over NNPC Limited will also only become clear through practice. PIA retains (for now) total government ownerships of NNPC Limited and control over the selection of its management team.

  • Royalty-paying entity: NNPC Limited is, like any other oil and company operating in Nigeria, required to pay its share of all fees, rents, royalties, profit oil shares and taxes to the government in relation to any participating interests it holds in petroleum leases or licences.

NNPC Limited’s first actions as a commercial entity were notable: these included exercising pre-emption rights over a 40% stake in OML 86 and OML 88 and buying OVH Energy’s downstream assets (giving NNPC access to 380 fuel stations and eight liquefied petroleum gas plants), along with other purported pre-emptions over upstream M&A transactions. NNPC Limited has partnered with Afreximbank to raise US$5 billion to support NNPC Limited’s upstream business and energy transition plans.  NNPC Limited also made senior appointments in 2022 with Senator Margery Chuba Okadigbo as chair and Mele Kyari continuing as CEO.

Another consequential step in PIA implementation was the promulgation of the Nigeria Upstream Petroleum Host Communities Development Regulations in June, setting out the requirements for the establishment and funding of host community development trusts. The new trust structure was one of the more controversial parts of PIA, with licence holders required to pay into the trust a levy of 3% of their actual annual operating expenditure of the preceding financial year in the upstream petroleum operations affecting the host communities for which the fund was established.

What happened in politics / regulatory matters?

The continuing impact of the global pandemic, the war in Ukraine, rising energy costs and the consequences of crude theft and spills made for a challenging final year in office for President Buhari.

Progress was made on some of Nigeria’s key gas projects that form part of the “Decade of Gas” programme. Construction is under way on Nigeria LNG’s Train 7 project, which promises to increase LNG production capacity by 35%. The Assa North-Ohaji South Gas project moves closer to completion and promises to accelerate Nigeria’s transition towards cleaner fuels and improve availability of natural gas for power generation.

New projects were also lined up: Nigerian Minister of State for Petroleum Resources Timipre Sylva, alongside the Ministers of Energy of Niger and Algeria signed a memorandum of understanding to build an over 4,000km trans-Saharan gas pipeline at an estimated cost of US$13 billion. The pipeline is intended to start in Nigeria and end in Algeria and be connected to existing pipelines that run to Europe.

The government launched its energy transition plan in 2022 as it works towards Nigeria’s commitment to reach net zero by 2060 and provide access to affordable, reliable and sustainable energy to all of its citizens by 2030. Vice President H.E Yemi Osinbajo said that Nigeria would need to spend an additional US$10 billion per annum on energy projects. Nigeria’s federal minister of power, Engr. Abubakar D. Aliyu also announced new renewable energy policies: the national renewable energy and energy efficiency policy, the national renewable energy action plan, the national energy efficiency action plan and the sustainable energy for all action agenda.

Crude theft was rampant in 2022 and remains a huge critical and unresolved issue for Nigeria, resulting in the shutdown of two of Nigeria’s major pipelines in July. Its impact is significant: the petroleum regulator estimated that Nigeria suffered a US$1 billion loss in revenue in the first quarter of 2022 as a result, and the (attempted) flight of international oil companies from the worst-affected onshore acreage has continued.

What deal activity happened?

Panoro Energy received government approval for the sale of its interest in OML 113 to PetroNor at the start of the year. The Majors divestment plans continued but encountered significant delays, with some being indefinitely postponed and others becoming mired in regulatory approval roadblocks and facing the new appetite of NNPC to assert purported pre-emptory rights.

What is expected in 2023?

  • Politics: The 2023 elections loom large, with the Presidential and National Assembly elections commencing on 25 February and Governorship and State House elections following on 11 March. The Presidential election is presently too close to call and we make no predictions. The onset of electioneering will slow regulatory decision making. International investments may pause until the election outcome is decided, key appointments made and the direction of economic and energy policies are explained.

  • Legal: Industry participants will continue to grapple with the new PIA regime, while its implementation continues over the coming year. Expected key steps include:

    • The deadline for voluntary conversion of existing OPLs and OMLs into their new forms was set for February 2023. Licence holders will need to decide whether to adopt early conversion, balancing the extent of improved PIA fiscal terms against the consequences, including termination of all outstanding arbitration and court cases related to the relevant OPL / OML, removal of any stability provisions or guarantees given by NNPC, and relinquishment of no less than 60% of the acreage. If not converted by this date, then it becomes mandatory on licence expiry / renewal.

    • The deadline for segregation of upstream, midstream and downstream operations also falls in February. Any midstream and downstream activities that were being carried out as part of upstream operations require the grant of a new midstream / downstream licence.

  • Regulatory: A new licensing round covering seven deepwater blocks has been announced for 2023, marking Nigeria’s first offshore bid round in 15 years. A pre-bid conference is taking place this month with pre-qualification applications due by the end of January.

  • Transaction activity: Upstream deals may need to wait for the dust from the 2023 election to settle, but there should be a resumption of the divestment programmes of the Majors in 2023.  Outside of M&A, Nigeria is due to go to trial in London in January 2023 as it seeks to overturn an approximately US$11 billion (including interest) arbitration award won by Process and Industrial Developments Ltd in relation to a 2010 gas project agreement. The award is now worth about a third of Nigeria’s foreign reserves.

  • Projects: Following significant delays, in part due to the COVID-19 pandemic, we understand that the Dangote refinery is expected to be officially commissioned by President Buhari in January and start up mid-2023. First gas from both the Ajaokuta-Kaduna-Kano pipeline and from Seplat’s Assa North-Ohaji South Gas project is forecast for the first half of 2023.

© 2023 Bracewell LLP

Washington’s Focus on the Electric Vehicle Supply Chain in 2023

If a picture is worth a thousand words, the “photo-op” of the president test driving Ford’s new electric F-150 in May of 2021 was the burning image that foretold the US policy direction for the electric mobility industry.

In 2022, the president and US Congress solidified their support of the industry by passing sweeping legislation aimed at funding and incentivizing US electric mobility manufacturing for the next decade and beyond.

Looking ahead to 2023, the Administration will be writing the rules to implement that support. This will take the form of rulemaking for key statutes such as the Infrastructure Investment and Jobs Act (IIJA), the CHIPS Act, and the more recent Inflation Reduction Act of 2022 (IRA). On the non-tariff front, Congress passed, and the president signed, the 2021 Uyghur Forced Labor Prevention Act.

Background

  • The IIJA authorized $18.6 billion to fund new and existing electric vehicle (EV)-related programs, including a nationwide network of 500,000 EV charging stations and monies for publicly accessible alternative fuel infrastructure. Also, the law injected $10.9 billion in funding for transitioning school buses, transit buses, and passenger ferries to low- and/or zero-emissions alternatives.
  • The CHIPS Act allocated $11 billion in support of advanced semiconductor manufacturing research and set up a $2 billion fund to support technology transfers from laboratory to applications.
  • The IRA, perhaps the most significant development from Washington, DC, injected billions of dollars in tax credits and other incentives to spur US domestic manufacturing of electric vehicles.
  • In December 2022, news came that a United States-Mexico-Canada Agreement (USMCA) Dispute Settlement Panel had completed its findings on a complaint by Mexico and supported by Canada that the United States has been misinterpreting the product origin calculations for “core parts” for USMCA vehicle qualification. In January of 2023, that ruling was made public. See Long Awaited USMCA Panel Decision on Automotive “Core Parts” – What Happened and What’s Next.
  • In June 2022, the Administration published its “Strategy to Prevent the Importation of Goods Mined, Produced, or Manufacture with Forced Labor.” Customs and Border Protection (CBP) has launched a vigorous and highly intrusive enforcement strategy for a number of key sectors, including the automotive industry.

What to Know

Based on the legislative developments from the last year, the EV industry should expect:

  • Import Enforcement. If 2022 was the year of federal infusion of funding and policy development, 2023 will be the year of import enforcement and accountability. Supply chains will be scrutinized, and compliance will have to be demonstrated. In addition, claims of tariff preferences under US trade agreements will be closely monitored to guard against fraudulent product descriptions or county of origin. In terms of US forced labor legislation, a January 2023 article in a well-read trade media reported on a meeting with US Trade Representative Katherine Tai at which the Ambassador “suggested that auto or auto parts imported from China could be in CBP crosshairs.” (International Trade Today, January 6, 2023 Vol 39, No 4).
  • Accountability. With the massive funding from Congress and the White House, federal agencies will be scrutinizing how monies have been spent, particularly whether they have been spent to meet the goals to incentive US domestic production. Global supply chains will come under the microscope. A December 2022 Treasury Department publication can be read here.
  • Corporate Readiness. Companies that engage in the global marketplace dread the unknown. There is no crystal ball. But what corporate executives can do to mitigate the risk of potentially bad news on the trade front is to monitor developments, conduct self-assessments, and, where possible, build in flexibilities.
  • Know Your Customer. Know Your Suppliers. Know Your Suppliers’ Suppliers. A common thread weaving throughout these developments on the trade front is Washington’s not so subtle objective of determining the essential source of imported products. That effort will shift the onus onto the private sector, with companies having to provide far more transparency into their product’s life span.

For product development and marketing executives in the electric mobility sector, 2023 is potentially a very good news story. But for general counsels and corporate compliance and procurement officers, the uncertainties of regulatory change will require extra attention. In the interim, company officials are taking a fresh look at the current legal and regulatory exposures of their supply chains to be best prepared for the trade policy changes ahead. The adage “when in uncertain times, start with what you know” is particularly relevant today.

To that end, the USMCA can play a critical “bridge” for many companies with strategic business interests in the US market.

© 2023 ArentFox Schiff LLP