Category: Administrative & Regulatory

New, Immigration-Friendly Mission Statement for USCIS

USCIS has changed its mission statement again – this time to adopt a more immigration-friendly stance.

In 2018, USCIS, under the Trump Administration, changed its mission statement to align with President Donald Trump’s focus on enforcement, strict scrutiny, and extreme vetting. The statement did not emphasize customer satisfaction, i.e., the satisfaction of petitioners, applicants, and beneficiaries. The change in emphasis was stark and did not go unnoticed. Instead, the mission statement focused on protecting and serving the American people and ensuring that benefits were not provided to those who did not qualify or those who “would do us harm ….” The 2018 statement did not speak of the United States as a “nation of migrants” and it focused on efficiency while “protecting Americans, securing the homeland, and honoring our values.”

The new 2022 USCIS mission statement reflects President Joe Biden’s belief that “new Americans fuel our economy as innovators and job creators, working in every American industry, and contributing to our arts, culture, and government.” Accordingly, he has issued executive orders directing the various immigration agencies to reduce unnecessary barriers to immigration. The 2022 mission statement also reflects President Biden’s directions and USCIS Director Ur M. Jaddou’s “vision for an inclusive and accessible agency.” Director Jaddou “is committed to ensuring that the immigration system . . . is accessible and humane . . . [serving] the public with respect and fairness, and lead with integrity to reflect America’s promise as a nation of welcome and possibility today and for generations to come.”

According to Director Jaddou, USCIS will strive to achieve the core values of treating applicants with integrity, dignity, and respect and using innovation to provide world-class service while vigilantly strengthening and enhancing security. On February 3, 2022, Director Jaddou, along with her deputies, briefed the nation on the agency’s efforts to improve service at USCIS. The leaders of the agency made clear that USCIS knows it must continue to eliminate backlogs, cut processing times, reduce unneeded Requests for Evidence and interviews, eliminate inequities in processing times across service centers and improve the contact center, among other things, to achieve its goals. Using streamlining and technological innovation, USCIS hopes to make itself much more consumer-oriented.

Article By Forrest G. Read IV of Jackson Lewis P.C.

For more immigration legal news, click here to visit the National Law Review.

Jackson Lewis P.C. © 2022

Agriculture Groups Sue FDA on Chlorpyrifos Ban

  • As previously reported, the Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) published a final rule on August 30, 2021 that revoked all tolerances for the pesticide chemical chlorpyrifos on raw agricultural commodities; the rulemaking was driven by toxicity concerns, primarily concerning exposure in children. The tolerances are set to expire on February 28, 2022, effectively banning the use of chlorpyrifos on food crops. In light of the expiration, FDA published a guidance document to assist food producers and processors that handle foods which may contain chlorpyrifos restudies.
  • In October of 2021, agriculture stakeholders submitted formal written objections and a request to stay the tolerance revocations to EPA. More than 80 stakeholders signed the document, arguing that significant harms would result from banning chlorpyrifos and urging the agency to stay implementation of the rule until objections were formally addressed by EPA.
  • Agriculture stakeholder groups are now seeking a court injunction against EPA’s ban on chlorpyrifos. On February 10, 2022, agricultural trade groups representing thousands of members filed a lawsuit against EPA before the Eight Circuit Court of Appeals, alleging that the agency ignored its own scientific findings regarding 11 high-benefit and low-risk crop uses for chlorpyrifos and that the revocation will cause irreparable damage. It remains to be seen how EPA will respond to the lawsuit.

Article By Food and Drug Law Practice Group at Keller and Heckman LLP

For more food and drug legal news, click here to visit the National Law Review.

© 2022 Keller and Heckman LLP

FBI and DHS Warn of Russian Cyberattacks Against Critical Infrastructure

U.S. officials this week warned government agencies, cybersecurity personnel, and operators of critical infrastructure that Russia might launch cyber-attacks against Ukrainian and U.S. networks at the same time it launches its military offensive against Ukraine.

The FBI and the Department of Homeland Security (DHS) warned law enforcement, military personnel, and operators of critical infrastructure to be vigilant in searching for Russian activity on their networks and to report any suspicious activity, as they are seeing an increase in Russian scanning of U.S. networks. U.S. officials are also seeing increased disinformation and misinformation generated by Russia about Ukraine.

The FBI and DHS urged timely patching of systems and reporting of any Russian activity on networks, so U.S. officials can assess the threat, assist with a response, and prevent further activity.

For more information on cyber incident reporting, click here.

Even though a war may be starting halfway across the world, Russia’s cyber capabilities are global. Russia has the capability to bring us all into its war by attacking U.S. government agencies and companies. We are all an important part of preventing attacks and assisting others from becoming a victim of Russia’s attacks. Closely watch your network for any suspicious activity and report it, no matter how small you think it is.

Article By Linn F. Freedman of Robinson & Cole LLP

For more cybersecurity legal news, click here to visit the National Law Review. 

Copyright © 2022 Robinson & Cole LLP. All rights reserved.

Ongoing Canadian Protests Shine Spotlight on Ripple Effect of Supply Chain Disruptions

Although the last two years have seen a nearly never-ending line of supply chain impacts for manufacturers, the latest disruption is also serving to shine a spotlight on the broader impact that relatively small disruptions in the supply chain can have on the global economy.  We all know that trucking is a critical component of the economy.  The U.S. estimates seventy two percent of goods in the U.S. travel by truck.  Trucking has become even more important in this era of increased deliveries and backlogs at ports and other logistics hubs.

In Canada, what began as protests by truckers regarding certain pandemic-related restrictions and mandates have snowballed into broader protests and blockages of roads, bridges, and border crossings.

Protesters have been blocking various bridges and roads in Canada in protest of certain pandemic-related restrictions and mandates.  On Tuesday, the bridge connecting Windsor, Ontario to Detroit (a critical linkage for cross-border travel) was largely blocked, with traffic stopped going into Canada and slowed to a trickle going into the United States. The blockades are now leading U.S. automakers to begin trimming shifts and pausing certain operations in their Michigan and Canadian plants. The bridge protests and automakers’ reduction in capacity continued on Thursday without an end in sight.

The ongoing protests in Canada have also served as a reminder of how seemingly local trucking disruptions in one country can cascade through the supply chain.  This is not the first time that trucking strikes and blockages have rippled through the supply chain and economy.  In 1996, a truckers’ strike in France lasted 12 days, barricading major highways and ultimately leading to concessions from the French government over certain worker benefits and hours.  The resulting agreement led to heightened tensions with Spain, Portugal, and Great Britain due to the impact felt across borders.  In 2008, truckers went on strike in Spain and blocked roads and border crossings, protesting fuel prices.  In 2018, truckers in Brazil staged a large strike and protest that lasted for 10 days, blocking roads, disrupting food and fuel distribution, canceling flights, and causing certain part shortages for automakers.

The ongoing protests in Canada have similarly expanded from Ottawa to the current blockage of border crossings, further raising their profile internationally as they begin to impact global trade.  It remains to be seen how the blockades and protests will resolve, as leaders call for de-escalation and re-opening of roads and crossings.  However, the ripple effects of what started as a localized protest will continue to be felt far beyond Canada’s borders.

Article By Lauren M. Loew of Foley & Lardner LLP

For more COVID-19 and supply chain legal news, click here to visit the National Law Review.

© 2022 Foley & Lardner LLP

Federal Cannabis Reform – Is 2022 the Year?

Hope soared with the possibility of federal cannabis reform in 2021.  And for good reason –  the induction of a new, more liberal administration, rapid state-level legalization, broad support by Americans,[1] and growing bipartisan backing led many to believe that 2021 was going to be the year where federal decriminalization of cannabis would become a reality.  But, as 2021 continued on, optimism dwindled as any advancement in federal cannabis reform was hobbled by the inability of Congress to agree on the appropriate level of reform  and the proper mechanics for passage.  Specifically, tension rose amongst the elected Democrats on whether to support incremental reform (like access to banks or removal of cannabis from the list of Schedule 1 drugs) or comprehensive legalization with provisions to address social inequities stemming from the legacy of the War on Drugs.  And so 2021 came to an end, and the cannabis industry saw yet another year of failed meaningful change on the federal level.

Still, momentum for reform has not been lost.  If anything, last year saw more bills introduced into Congress (including two new federal legalization proposals) than ever before – clearly indicating its import to our nation’s leaders.  Justice Clarence Thomas from the Supreme Court even subtly advised Congress to address legalization, noting that the Federal Government’s current “half in, half out regime” on cannabis strained the principles of federalism.

And so, as we move forward in 2022 with hope, we review the bills before Congress and their progresses to assess which of these may have some traction for passage during this upcoming year.

Secure and Fair Enforcement (“SAFE”) Banking Act of 2021[2]

Considered modest reform, the SAFE Banking Act of 2021 mainly focused on granting cannabis-related businesses access to federally-backed financial institutions.  The bill was introduced early in 2021,[3] and passed in the U.S. House of Representatives on April 20, 2021 by a vote of 321 to 101.  At the time of the House’s passage, many believed the SAFE Banking Act of 2021 would easily move its way through the Senate, due – in part – to its demonstrated bipartisan appeal with 106 Republican votes in the House.  Congressman Ed Pearlman, one of its drafters, even remarked:

After years of bringing up this issue, I’m thrilled to see overwhelming support for this bipartisan, commonsense legislation in the U.S. House once again. I feel optimistic about the path forward for the SAFE Banking Act and, more broadly, reforms to our federal cannabis laws.[4]

However, after its passage in the House, the SAFE Banking Act of 2021 languished in the Senate’s Committee on Banking, Housing and Urban Affairs.  Momentum for the bill slowed, with those opposing it campaigning for more comprehensive legalization.  In late September 2021, fervor for the SAFE Banking Act of 2021 arose again when the House passed, by voice vote, an amendment to the National Defense Authorization Act for Fiscal Year 2022 (“NDAA”) to add the SAFE Banking Act of 2021.  Many hoped that by couching the SAFE Banking Act of 2021 in the NDAA, it would make it easier to pass through the Senate.  On November 23, 2021, 4 Senators[5] penned a letter to the Senate’s Armed Services Committee urging them to retain the SAFE Banking Act of 2021 in the NDAA.  Despite these efforts, the SAFE Banking Act of 2021 was stripped from the NDAA on December 10, 2021 – stalling its progress once more.

The Marijuana Opportunity Reinvestment & Expungement (“MORE”) Act

The MORE Act is the oldest comprehensive legislative proposal.  It was passed in the House in December 2020, during a lame-duck session, but never made any headway in the Senate.[6]  On May 28, 2021, Representative Jerrold Nadler reintroduced the MORE Act into the House and much of its substance provided the legislative stepping stones for the Cannabis Administrative and Opportunity Act (“CAO”).

The MORE Act aimed to end criminalization of cannabis by removing it from the list of controlled  substances, eliminate related past criminal penalties and convictions, and provide essential criminal justice reform, social justice and economic development for those affected by the War on Drugs.  The MORE Act also would tax cannabis products starting at 5% to 8% (increasing by 1% over 5 years) to help fund social reform projects, make Small Business Administration loans and services available to cannabis-related businesses, and prohibit denial of federal public benefits (like housing) and protections under immigration law on the basis of cannabis-related conduct or conviction.

After sitting in the House Judiciary Committee, the bill was finally approved in the Committee on September 30, 2021, with 2 Republican Representatives voting yes.  This act sent the measure to the House floor for another vote before it could make its way to the Senate.

The Cannabis Administrative and Opportunity Act

Embracing the MORE Act’s goals for comprehensive reform, Senate Majority Leader Chuck Schumer (along with Senators Cory Booker  and Ron Wyden) introduced the long awaited draft of the CAO into the Senate on July 14, 2021.  Considered a historic and ambitious bill, the CAO aimed to implement a full-scale federal scheme for cannabis reform that reaches beyond just decriminalization.  It hopes to provide restorative measures “to lift up people and communities who were unfairly targeted in the War on Drugs.”[7] Specifically, the CAO seeks to do the following:

  • Decriminalize cannabis by removing it from the Controlled Substances Act and automatically expunge any arrests and convictions for non-violent federal cannabis offenses;
  • Transfer primary agency jurisdiction over cannabis to the Food and Drug Administration (“FDA”), the Alcohol and Tobacco Tax and Trade Bureau (“TTB”), and the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco and Firearms (“ATF”) so that cannabis can be federally regulated similar to alcohol and tobacco;
  • Establish a Center for Cannabis Products responsible for regulating the “cannabis aspect of all products containing cannabis,” and implementing requirements related to cannabis products (g., good manufacturing practice, product standards, product labeling, product distribution and recall, etc.) within the FDA;
  • Mandate federal research and studies regarding the impact of cannabis (including any benefits and/or impairments) on the human brain and health conditions and its impact on drivers under its influence;
  • Permit movement of cannabis products through channels of interstate commerce;
  • Establish Opportunity Trust Fund Programs funded by federal cannabis tax revenue to restore and reinvest in communities greatly impacted by the War on Drugs (including funds for job training, reentry services, legal aid, and youth recreation/mentoring programs) and to help level the playing field by granting entrepreneurs of color access to the cannabis industry through small business loans;
  • Prohibit denial of federal benefits or immigration protection due to a past cannabis-related offense; and
  • Impose federal excise tax on sale of cannabis products, starting at 10% and increasing up to 25% in a span of 5 years, with certain favorable tax credit for cannabis producers with less than $20 million sales.

Though the CAO has lofty goals, it does not force states to legalize cannabis, emphasizing the integrity of state-specific cannabis law.

As a draft bill, the CAO was subject to a review period in which its authors requested public comments by September 1, 2021.  At the expiration of this review period, the drafters of the bill received numerous comments from both supporters and those criticizing the CAO as overly ambitious and a big-government approach.  In particular, many critics take issue with the bill’s tax structure, calling the imposition of an ultimate 25% federal excise tax burdensome.  Indeed, the CAO – as it stands – implements the highest tax structure for cannabis products of all the bills proposed in 2021.  Many allege that the high federal tax in addition to any state-imposed tax could promote the illicit cannabis market rather than encourage business owners to engage legally.  Additionally, the high federal tax could force states to reduce their own tax requirements, negatively affecting their own ability to fund state-run social equity and education initiatives.

For now, the public comments have been taken under advisement as the cannabis industry waits to see what the drafters decide to incorporate.  Once formally filed, the CAO will be sent to a committee for continued discussions and revisions before it can be advanced to the Senate floor for a vote.

The States Reform Act

The States Reform Act (“SRA”) is the latest comprehensive reform bill led by Republican Representative Nancy Mace and introduced in the House in November 15, 2021.  Like the MORE Act and the CAO, the SRA also seeks to decriminalize cannabis and provides retroactive expungement for non-violent federal cannabis offense, except for any person involved in a drug cartel.  However, the SRA differentiates itself by limiting federal social equity reform programs.  Instead, the SRA vests the authority  to determine what level of cannabis reform, including outright prohibition, in the individual states.  States will also retain authority to regulate the use, distribution, sale and manufacturing of cannabis, with some general federal oversight by the FDA, TTB, ATF and the Department of Agriculture.  Specifically, the SRA aims to regulate cannabis like alcohol (and alcohol alone) – another substantial difference from the CAO.  The SRA permits each state to determine the appropriate age limit for purchase of cannabis products, but incentivizes states to implement a 21+ limit by eliminating funding for highways for any state with an age limit of under 21 years of age and prohibiting advertisements directed at any person under the age of 21.  The bill also seeks to provide veterans with access to medical cannabis without fear of discrimination or denial of Veteran Affairs benefits.  The SRA also generally requires that medical cannabis be permitted for treatment of arthritis, cancer and chronic pain.  Similar to the CAO, the SRA will also allow the interstate cannabis transportation.

Notably, the SRA provides the lowest tax structure for cannabis products in comparison to other reform proposals, with the proposed imposition of a single tax rate of 3% that cannot be increased for at least 10 years.  Revenues from the tax would be used to support SBA programs for cannabis businesses, law enforcement initiatives including reentry programs, and veteran mental health programs.

Given its recency, little is known about the bill’s reception in the House and any progress that has been made.  However, the SRA does carry potential bipartisan appeal, particularly because it is sponsored by 4 Republican Representatives.  Additionally, it is anticipated that the Congressional Republicans will appreciate the SRA’s straight forward tax structure capped at a low rate for at least 10 years and its stance on states’ sovereignty regarding cannabis reform.  The real issue for the SRA is its lack of restorative justice and social equity efforts, which may be its death knell in the current Democrat-controlled House.

Implications for 2022

There are now 4 bills (3 with comprehensive legislation) circulating Capitol Hill that could provide much needed cannabis reform in 2022.  Congress will likely continue debating, revising and attempting to compromise on the terms in the MORE Act, the CAO and the SRA.  Potentially, if the 3 comprehensive bills remain on the discussion table, they will compete with one another, potentially dividing the Legislators’ support.  Congress should thus focus on forging a compromise or middle ground on these reforms to increase bipartisan support and avoid competing and inconsistent bills floating around, resulting in another year of unwanted (and unnecessary) deadlock.  Indeed, the CAO could be an example of such needed compromise – especially if the drafters seriously heed the criticisms and comments provided during the bill’s review period and consider incorporating certain bipartisan elements of the SRA, like a more stream-lined and lower rate tax structure.  With that said, the status of these cannabis reform bills, particularly the CAO and the MORE Act, face potential change should this year’s mid-term elections change the makeup of who controls the Senate, House or both.

Regardless, until Congress can iron out the kinks on comprehensive cannabis reform, the SAFE Banking Act of 2021 remains a practical law to pass in the interim.  The SAFE Banking Act of 2021 is currently the least controversial of all the cannabis-reform bills, has substantial bipartisan appeal, and will provide immediate financial resources and relief to the largely cash-based cannabis industry.  Though a small reform, it is still a necessary one that is long overdue.  The SAFE Banking Act of 2021 (and its predecessors) has already made its way through the House 6 times, proving that federal lawmakers believe it will help cannabis businessmen.  It may not resolve the issue of prohibition on cannabis, but its passage will likely be a great victory for the cannabis industry, signal federal de-stigmatization of cannabis, promote public safety by discouraging participation in the illicit cannabis market, and help cannabis-related businesses comply with tax laws.

Footnotes

[1] https://news.gallup.com/poll/356939/support-legal-marijuana-holds-record…

[2] On February 4, 2022, the SAFE Banking Act passed again in the House – this time, as an included amendment to the America COMPLETES Act.

[3] The bill is the successor to the previously introduced SAFE Banking Act of 2019.  See https://www.cannabislawblog.com/2021/09/safe-banking-act-2021/

[4] https://perlmutter.house.gov/news/documentsingle.aspx?DocumentID=5486

[5] Gary Peters, Angus King, Kevin Cramer, and Mark Kelly

[6] https://www.cannabislawblog.com/2020/12/house-representatives-passes-bil…

[7] https://www.democrats.senate.gov/imo/media/doc/CAOA%20Detailed%20Summary

 

Article By Jennifer N. Le of Sheppard, Mullin, Richter & Hampton LLP

For more cannabis legal news, click here to visit the National Law Review.

Copyright © 2022, Sheppard Mullin Richter & Hampton LLP.

Retaining a Cell Tower Lease When Selling Property

When selling property with a cell tower lease, keeping the lease is a good option. Done properly, you get the best of both worlds: full value for the property and ongoing lease payments, with the option to sell the lease in the future should you desire.

Selling a property and cell lease together will rarely yield the full value for the lease; however, selling the lease in advance of selling the property may also not be attractive. You may not have other places to invest the proceeds where you will get the same return, for example, and taxes can take a big bite. Additional options, such as 1031 like-kind exchanges, are complicated with short deadlines.

Increasingly, real estate investors are opting to sell property — commercial, residential, land for development and, in a unique case, an office condo — but keeping the cell leases and future leasing rights.

To do this successfully, you should aim to establish balance with purchasers by retaining sufficient future rights to (1) renew the lease, (2) expand it some, and (3) satisfy their requirements for paying full value of the lease, should you decide to sell it in the future. You do not want to grant yourself so many rights that it interferes with a purchaser’s ordinary use and development of the property in question, thus decreasing its selling price.

Essentially, you are trying to attain the balance that would occur in a well-drafted cell lease sale to a third party, whereby keeping the lease is the equivalent of “selling” to yourself!

Specific subject areas where rights must be balanced include:

  • Permitted and restricted uses by both parties within the leased area;
  • Restrictions on uses or devices allowed on portions of the property outside the leased area, such as Wi-Fi using radio frequencies, which cell companies and lease purchasers alike desire;
  • Access rights and rights-of-way for tenants and utilities, as well as who pays for same;
  • Height and building envelope restrictions on new construction outside the leased area;
  • Property owner approval rights of changes in the leased area, and;
  • Relocation.
© 2022 Varnum LLP
For more articles about telecommunications, visit the NLR Cybersecurity, Media & FCC section.

Crossing the Wires of Energy and Cryptocurrency Policy: U.S. Congress Investigates the Environmental Impact of Crypto Mining

The rapid adoption of cryptocurrency and other popular blockchain applications has captured our global economy’s attention. Even as the value of cryptocurrencies slid from their all-time highs, the promise of these digital assets and the infrastructure being developed to support them has been transformative.

As with most emerging technologies, policymakers are still exploring the best approaches to regulating these new digital assets and business models. Questions about consumer protection, security, and the applicability of existing laws are to be expected; however, the environmental impact of these energy-intensive business practices has prompted considerable study and regulatory activity across the globe, including attention in the United States.

To understand the increasing energy demands associated with major cryptocurrencies – predominantly, Bitcoin and Ethereum – it is important to understand how many cryptocurrencies are generated in the first instance. Many countries, including China, have banned cryptocurrency mining, and, with the United States becoming the largest source of cryptocurrency mining activity, Congress began active investigations and hearings into the energy demands and environmental impacts in January 2022.

Proof of What? Why certain cryptocurrencies create high energy demands. 

Not all cryptocurrencies – or blockchain platforms, for that matter – are created equal in their energy demands. The goal of most major cryptocurrency platforms is to create a decentralized, distributed ledger, meaning that there is no one authority to verify the authenticity of transactions and ensure that assets are not spent twice, for example. There needs to be a trustworthy mechanism – a consensus system – to verify new transactions, add those transactions to the blockchain, and to confirm the creation of new tokens. Bitcoin alone has well over 200,000 transactions per day,[1] so it should not come as a surprise that these platforms take an enormous amount of processing power to maintain.

There are currently two primary ways that network participants lend their processing power, which are framing part of the modern energy policy debates around cryptocurrency. The first form is “proof of work,” which is the original method that Bitcoin and Ethereum 1.0 employ. When a group of transactions (a block) needs to be verified, all of the “mining” computers race to solve a complex math puzzle, and whoever wins gets to add the block to the chain and is rewarded in coins. The competitive nature of proof of work consensus systems has led to substantial increases in computing power provided by institutional cryptocurrency mining operations and, with that, higher energy demands.

The second form is “proof of stake,” which newer platforms like Cardano and ETH2 use, promises to require considerably less energy to operate. With this method, validators “stake” their currency for a chance at verifying new transactions and updating the blockchain. This method rewards long-term investment in a particular blockchain, rather than raw computing power. A validator is picked based on how much currency they have staked and how long it has been staked for. Once the block is verified, other validators must review and accept the data before it’s added to the blockchain. Then, everyone who participated in validating the block is rewarded with coins.

While proof of stake consensus systems are becoming more common, the dominant – and most valuable – cryptocurrencies are still generated through energy-intensive proof of work systems.

Turning out the lights on Crypto: China bans domestic mining and other countries follow.

China has been incredibly influential in the modern cryptocurrency debate around energy use. For several years, China was the cryptocurrency mining capital of the world, providing an average of two-thirds of the world’s processing power dedicated to Bitcoin mining through early 2021.[2] In June 2021, however, China banned all domestic cryptocurrency mining operations, citing the environmental impacts of Bitcoin mining energy demands among its concerns.[3]

As Bitcoin miners fled China, many relocated to neighboring countries, such as Kazakhstan, and the United States became the largest source of mining activity – an estimated 35.1% of global mining power.[4] The surge in Bitcoin mining activity in Kazakhstan has not been without its controversy. Many Kazakhstan-based crypto mining operations are powered by coal plants, and there has been considerable unrest sparked by rising fuel costs.[5]

With some countries experiencing negative impacts from cryptocurrency mining operations, several countries have followed China’s lead in banning cryptocurrencies. According to a 2021 report prepared by the Law Library of Congress, at least eight other countries – Egypt, Iraq, Qatar, Oman, Morocco, Algeria, Tunisia, and Bangladesh – have banned cryptocurrencies.[6] Many other countries have impliedly banned cryptocurrency or cryptocurrency exchanges, as well.[7]

U.S. Congress shines its spotlight on the energy demands of cryptocurrency mining.

Now home to over a third of the global computing power dedicated to mining bitcoin, the United States has turned its attention to domestic miners and their impacts on the environment and local economies.

In June 2021, U.S. policymakers were still predominantly focused on the consumer protection and security concerns raised by digital currencies; however, Senator Elizabeth Warren alluded to her growing concerns about the environmental costs of, particularly, proof of work mining.[8] On December 2, 2021, Senator Warren sent a letter requesting information on the environmental footprint of New York-based Bitcoin miner Greenridge Generation.[9] The letter observed that, “[g]iven the extraordinarily high energy usage and carbon emissions associated with Bitcoin mining, mining operations at Greenridge and other plants raise concerns about their impacts on the global environment, on local ecosystems, and on consumer electricity costs.”[10] Senator Warren’s concerns sparked several rounds of congressional oversight and inquiries into the environmental impacts of, particularly, proof of work cryptocurrencies, over the past month.

Committee Hearing on “Cleaning up Cryptocurrency” begins oversight and investigation into the energy impacts of blockchains.

On January 20, 2022, the U.S. House of Representatives Committee on Energy and Commerce’s Subcommittee on Oversight and Investigations held a hearing, where the externalities of cryptocurrency mining were the focus of the agenda. An early indicator of the Subcommittee’s views on the issue, the title for the hearing was “Cleaning up Cryptocurrency: The Energy Impacts of Blockchains.”[11]

The hearing focused heavily on the amount of energy used to power proof of work cryptocurrency mining. Bitcoin Mining has been widely criticized for the massive amounts of power it consumes – globally, more than 204 terawatt-hours as of January 2022. Although some operations are attempting to utilize renewable energy, the machines executing these algorithms consume enormous amounts of energy primarily sourced from fossil fuels.

The five industry experts testifying before the House Energy and Commerce Oversight Subcommittee had competing views on how regulators should address the energy consumption of cryptocurrencies—with some experts opining that the computational demands were a “feature, not a bug.”[12] Two of the experts – Brian Brooks, CEO of Bitfury Group, and Professor Ari Juels, Faculty member at Cornell Tech – debated the technical merits between proof of work and proof of stake systems, described earlier in this article.[13] Similarly, Gregory Zerzan, an attorney with Jordan Ramis, P.C. who previously held senior positions in the United States Government, encouraged the Subcommittee not to lose sight of the fact that cryptocurrencies are but “one aspect of a larger innovation, blockchain.”[14] Although the viewpoints of the experts varied considerably, there was a clear consensus among the experts: energy-efficient alternatives should guide the path forward.

John Belizaire, the founder and CEO of Soluna Computing, said that cryptocurrency mining could further accelerate the transition to renewable energy sources from an energy perspective.[15] Renewables currently suffer from one significant deficiency – intermittency. An example of this challenge is the so-called “duck curve,” which illustrates major differences between the demands for electricity as compared to the amount of renewable energy sources available throughout the day. For example, when the sun is shining, there is significantly more power than consumers need for a few hours per day; however, solar energy does not provide nearly enough energy when demand spikes in the late afternoon and evening.[16] While there has been progress in the development of lithium battery storage – a critical piece in solving the issues mentioned above– for the time being, deploying these batteries at scale is still too expensive.

In addressing gaps in battery storage, Belizaire testified that “Computing is a better battery.”[17] Computing, he states, “is an immediately deployable solution that can allow renewables to scale to their full potential today.”[18] Belizaire highlighted that, unlike other industrial consumers, cryptocurrency miners can turn their systems off when necessary, giving miners the ability to absorb excess energy from a given area’s electrical grid rather than straining it. This ability to start and stop or pause computing processes can increase grid resilience by absorbing excess energy from renewable resources that provide more power than the grid can handle. Brooks shared similar hopes for how Bitcoin mining could help stabilize electric grids, support the viability of renewable energy projects, and drive innovation in computing and cooling technology.[19]

Steve Wright, the former general manager of the Chelan County Public Utility District in Washington, testified that “the portability of cryptocurrency operations could be a benefit in terms of locating operations based on underutilized transmission and distribution capacity availability.”[20] Still, with ambitious goals to expand transmission and increase and integrate large amounts of carbon-free emitting generation, Wright testified that “substantial collaboration and coordination will be necessary to avoid cryptocurrency mining exacerbating an already very difficult problem.”[21]

Congressional Democrats continue the investigation into domestic mining operations and the Cryptomining Industry response.

The January 20, 2022 Hearing made clear that policymakers are doing their due diligence into the impact that the United States could experience as the number of domestic cryptocurrency mining operations increase. Commentary from the Hearing forecasted that scrutinizing the sources and costs of energy used in cryptocurrency mining would be a priority for Democrat members of Congress.

To that end, on January 27, 2022, eight Democrat members of Congress led by Senator Elizabeth Warren “sent letters to six cryptomining companies raising concerns over their extraordinarily high energy uses.”[22] Citing the same concerns raised in her December 2021 letter to Greenridge, Senator Warren and her colleagues observed that “Bitcoin mining’s power consumption has more than tripled from 2019 to 2021, rivaling the energy consumption of Washington state, and of entire countries like Denmark, Chile, and Argentina.”[23] To assist Congress in its investigation, Riot Blockchain, Marathon Digital Holdings, Stronghold Digital Mining, Bitdeer, Bitfury Group, and Bit Digital were all asked for information related to their mining operations, energy consumption, possible impacts on the climate and local environments, and the impact of electricity costs for American consumers.[24] Senator Warren and her colleagues requested written responses by no later than February 10, 2022, so this increased oversight will likely continue.

Even with increased oversight, current trends in crypto mining and renewables could soon make such inquiries a moot point. Amid the heated debate over the environmental impact of cryptocurrencies, miners are increasingly committed to changing the negative reputation that it has built over the years – especially as these operations move to the United States. In November of last year, Houston-based tech company Lancium announced that it raised $150 million to build bitcoin mines across Texas that will run on renewable energy.[25] In 2022, the company plans to launch over 2,000 megawatts of capacity across its multiple sites.[26] Bitcoin mining company Argo Blockchain, a company listed on the London Stock Exchange, secured a $25 million loan to fund its “green” mining operation.[27] The 320-acre site will only use renewable energy, the majority being hydroelectric.[28] This deal is set to transform Argo’s mining capacity and is expected to be completed in the first half of 2022.[29]

Capital Markets also appear to have a growing appetite for the development of green crypto mining. In April of last year, Gryphon Digital Mining raised $14 Million Series A to launch a zero-carbon footprint Bitcoin mining operation powered exclusively by renewables.[30] In a raise that closed in just over two weeks, institutional investors – who were significantly oversubscribed – accounted for over thirty percent of the round.[31]

As congressional, social, and economic pressures grow, it is evident that there is going to be a big focus on the sustainability of Bitcoin mining. As such, we may very well see announcements, like the deals mentioned above, well into 2022 and beyond.

FOOTNOTES

[1] Bitcoin Transactions Per Day, YCharts, https://ycharts.com/indicators/bitcoin_transactions_per_day (last visited Jan. 29, 2022).

[2] Bitcoin Mining Map, Cambridge Centre for Alternative Finance, https://ccaf.io/cbeci/mining_map (last visited Jan. 29, 2022) [“Bitcoin Mining Map”].

[3] Samuel Shen & Andrew Galbraith, China’s ban forces some bitcoin miners to flee overseas, others sell out, Reuters, June 25, 2021, https://www.reuters.com/technology/chinas-ban-forces-some-bitcoin-miners-flee-overseas-others-sell-out-2021-06-25/ (last visited Jan. 29, 2022).

[4] See Bitcoin Mining Map.

[5] Tom Wilson, Bitcoin network power slumps as Kazakhstan crackdown hits crypto miners, Reuters, Jan. 7, 2022, https://www.reuters.com/markets/europe/bitcoin-network-power-slumps-kazakhstan-crackdown-hits-crypto-miners-2022-01-06/ (last visited Jan. 29, 2022).

[6] Regulation of Cryptocurrency Around the World: November 2021 Update, Global Legal Research Directorate, The Law Library of Congress, available at https://tile.loc.gov/storage-services/service/ll/llglrd/2021687419/2021687419.pdf (last visited Jan. 29, 2022).

[7] Id.

[8] Press Release, United States Senate Committee on Banking, Housing, and Urban Affairs, At Hearing, Warren Delivers Remarks on Digital Currencies (June 9, 2021), https://www.banking.senate.gov/newsroom/majority/at-hearing-warren-delivers-remarks-on-digital-currency (last visited Jan. 29, 2022).

[9] Elizabeth Warren, Letter to Greenridge Generation on Crypto, Dec. 2, 2021, available at https://www.warren.senate.gov/imo/media/doc/2021.12.2.%20Letter%20to%20Greenidge%20Generation%20on%20Crypto.pdf (last visited Jan. 29, 2022).

[10] Id. at p.2.

[11] Hearing Notice, United States House Committee on Energy & Commerce, Hearing on “Cleaning Up Cryptocurrency: The Energy Impacts of Blockchains” (Jan. 20, 2022), https://energycommerce.house.gov/committee-activity/hearings/hearing-on-cleaning-up-cryptocurrency-the-energy-impacts-of-blockchains (last visited Jan. 29, 2022) [the “January 20 Hearing”].

[12] January 20 Hearing Testimony. See also Statement of Brian P. Brooks before House Committee (Jan. 20, 2022), available at https://energycommerce.house.gov/sites/democrats.energycommerce.house.gov/files/documents/Witness%20Testimony_Brooks_OI_2022.01.20_0.pdf  (last visited Jan. 29, 2022) [the “Brooks Statement”].

[13] See, e.g., Brooks Statement; Statement of Prof. Ari Juels before House Committee (Jan. 20, 2022), available at https://energycommerce.house.gov/sites/democrats.energycommerce.house.gov/files/documents/Witness%20Testimony_Juels_OI_2022.01.20.pdf (last visited Jan. 29, 2022) [the “Juels Statement”].

[14] Statement of Gregory Zerzan before House Committee (Jan. 20, 2022), available at https://energycommerce.house.gov/sites/democrats.energycommerce.house.gov/files/documents/Witness%20Testimony_Zerzan_OI_2022.01.20.pdf (last visited Jan. 29, 2022).

[15] See, e.g., Statement of John Belizaire before House Committee (Jan. 20, 2022), available at https://energycommerce.house.gov/sites/democrats.energycommerce.house.gov/files/documents/Witness%20Testimony_Belizaire_OI_2022.01.20_0.pdf (last visited Jan. 29, 2022) [the “Belizaire Statement”].

[16] Office of Energy Efficiency & Renewable Energy, Confronting the Duck Curve: How to Address Over-Generation of Solar Energy (October 12, 2017)

https://www.energy.gov/eere/articles/confronting-duck-curve-how-address-over-generation-solar-energy (last visited Jan. 29, 2022).

[17] See, e.g., Belizaire Statement, p.4.

[18] Id.

[19] See generally Brooks Statement, pp.8-10.

[20] See, e.g., Statement of Steve Wright before House Committee, p.5 (January 20, 2022) available at https://energycommerce.house.gov/sites/democrats.energycommerce.house.gov/files/documents/Witness%20Testimony_Wright_OI_2022.01.20.pdf (last visited Jan. 29, 2022) [the “Wright Statement”].

[21] Id. p.9.

[22] Press Release, Office of Senator Elizabeth Warren, Warren, Colleagues Press Six Cryptomining Companies on Extraordinarily High Energy Use and Climate Impacts (Jan. 27, 2022), available at https://www.warren.senate.gov/newsroom/press-releases/warren-colleagues-press-six-cryptomining-companies-on-extraordinarily-high-energy-use-and-climate-impacts (last visited Jan. 29, 2022).

[23] Id.

[24] Id.

[25] MacKenzie Sigalos, This Houston Tech Company wants to build renewable energy-run bitcoin mines across Texas CNBC (November 23, 2021), https://www.cnbc.com/2021/11/23/lancium-raises-150-million-for-renewable-run-bitcoin-mines-in-texas.html (last visited Jan 31, 2022).

[26] Id.

[27] Namcios Bitcoin Magazine, Argo blockchain buys Hydro data centers to realize Green Bitcoin Mining Vision, (May 13, 2021), https://www.nasdaq.com/articles/argo-blockchain-buys-hydro-data-centers-to-realize-green-bitcoin-mining-vision-2021-05-13 (last visited Jan 31, 2022).

[28] Id.

[29] Id.

[30] GlobeNewswire News Room, Gryphon Digital Mining raises $14 million to launch bitcoin mining operation with zero carbon footprint, (April 13, 2021), https://www.globenewswire.com/newsrelease/2021/04/13/2209346/0/en/Gryphon-Digital-Mining-Raises-14-Million-to-Launch-Bitcoin-Mining-Operation-with-Zero-Carbon-Footprint.html (last visited Jan 31, 2022).

[31] Id.

Copyright ©2022 Nelson Mullins Riley & Scarborough LLP
For more articles about cryptocurrency, visit the NLR Financial Securities & Banking section.

Filing Tax Returns and Making Tax Payments: Best Practices During the Pandemic and Beyond

With staffing shortages and service center closures, it should come as no surprise that the IRS has faced a number of challenges during the pandemic. A couple of the biggest challenges have been in the opening and processing of taxpayer correspondence and in the processing of tax returns. As National Taxpayer Advocate, Erin Collins, stated in her Annual Report to Congress, “Paper is the IRS’s Kryptonite, and the IRS is buried in it.”

Going into 2022, the IRS has a significant backlog of unprocessed taxpayer correspondence and unprocessed returns. The estimates are staggering.

  • Five million pieces of unprocessed taxpayer correspondence
  • Over 11 million unprocessed tax returns, including:
    • Six million individual income tax returns
    • 2.3 million amended individual tax returns
    • 2.8 million business returns (income tax and employment tax returns)

The 2022 tax filing season, which opened on Thursday, January 24 for individual income tax returns, has the potential to create even more challenges for the IRS. Below is a list of best practices taxpayers can follow to ensure timely processing of their payments, tax returns, and claims for refund. These practices apply to individuals and required filing for businesses.

  • File returns and make payments electronically.
  • If you must file a paper return or mail in a payment to the IRS, send the return or payment to the proper address via USPS Certified Mail, Return Receipt Requested. Using this method will assist in resolving timely filing and/or timely payment penalties assessed by the IRS.
  • Properly notate your tax payment and include the form number, tax period and your social security number or employer identification number.
  • Respond to notices from the IRS in a timely manner.

In addition to the above, the IRS has offered a few filing tips for individuals.

  • Fastest refunds by e-filing, avoiding paper returns: Filing electronically with direct deposit and avoiding a paper tax return is more important than ever to avoid refund delays. If you need a tax refund quickly, do not file on paper – use software, a trusted tax professional or IRS Free File.
  • Filing 2021 tax return with 2020 tax return still in process: For those whose tax returns from 2020 have not yet been processed, 2021 tax returns can still be filed. For those in this group filing electronically, here’s a critical point: taxpayers need their Adjusted Gross Income, or AGI, from their most recent tax return at time of filing. For those waiting on their 2020 tax return to be processed, make sure to enter $0 (zero dollars) for last year’s AGI on the 2021 tax return. Visit Validating Your Electronically Filed Tax Return for more details.

More individual filing tips from the IRS can be found here.

If you have unpaid taxes or unfiled returns, you need an experienced tax attorney to represent you in your dealings with the IRS or the Department of Justice. An accountant or enrolled agent is not protected by the attorney-client privilege.

© 2022 Varnum LLP
For more articles about tax returns, visit the NLR Tax type of law section.

As the California Attorney General Focuses on Loyalty Programs, What Do Companies Need to Remember?

The California attorney general (AG) celebrated data privacy day by doing an “investigative sweep” of the loyalty programs of retailers, supermarkets, home improvement stores, travel companies, and food service companies, and sending out notices of non-compliance to businesses that the AG’s office believes might not be fully compliant with the CCPA. As the AG focuses its attention on loyalty programs, the following provides a reminder of the requirements under the CCPA.

What is a loyalty program?

Loyalty programs are structured in a variety of different ways. Some programs track dollars spent by consumers; others track products purchased. Some programs are free to participate in; others require consumers to purchase membership. Some programs offer consumers additional products; other programs offer prizes, money, or products from third parties. Although neither the CCPA nor the regulations implementing the CCPA define a “loyalty program,” as a practical matter most, if not all, loyalty programs have two things in common: (1) they collect information about consumers, and (2) they provide some form of reward in recognition of (or in exchange for) repeat purchasing patterns.[1]

What are the general obligations under the CCPA?

Because loyalty programs collect personal information about their members, if a business that sponsors a loyalty program is itself subject to the CCPA, then its loyalty program will also be subject to the CCPA. In situations in which the CCPA applies to a loyalty program, the following table generally describes the rights conferred upon a consumer in relation to the program:

Right Applicability to Loyalty Program
Notice at collection A loyalty program that collects personal information from its members should provide a notice at the point where information is being collected regarding the categories of personal information that will be collected and how that information will be used.[2]
Privacy notice A loyalty program that collects personal information of its members should make a privacy notice available to its members.[3]
Access to information A member of a loyalty program may request that a business disclose the “specific pieces of personal information” collected about them.[5]
Deletion of information A member of a loyalty program may request that a business delete the personal information collected about them. That said, a company may be able to deny a request by a loyalty program member to delete information in their account based upon one of the exceptions to the right to be forgotten.
Opt-out of sale A loyalty program that sells the personal information of its members should include a “do not sell” link on its homepage and permit consumers to opt-out of the sale of their information. To the extent that a consumer has directed the loyalty program to disclose their information to a third party (e.g., a fulfillment partner) it would not be considered a “sale” of information.
Notice of financial incentive To the extent that a loyalty program qualifies as a “financial incentive” under the regulations implementing the CCPA (discussed below), a business should provide a “notice of financial incentive.”[4]

Are loyalty programs always financial incentive programs?

Whether a loyalty program constitutes a “financial incentive” program as that term is defined by the regulations implementing the CCPA depends on the extent to which the loyalty program’s benefits “relate to” the collection, retention, or sale of personal information.”[6] While the California Attorney General has implied that all loyalty programs “however defined, should receive the same treatment as other financial incentives,” a strong argument may exist that for many loyalty programs the benefits provided are directly related to consumer purchasing patterns (i.e., repeat or volume purchases) and are not “related” to the collection of personal information.[7] If a particular loyalty program qualifies as a financial incentive program, a business should consider the following steps (in addition to the compliance obligations identified above):

  • Notify the consumer of the financial incentive.[8] The regulations implementing the CCPA specify that the financial incentive notice should contain the following information:
    • A summary of the financial incentive offered.[11] In the context of a loyalty program a description of the benefits that the consumer will receive as part of the program would likely provide a sufficient summary of the financial incentive.
    • A description of the material terms of the financial incentive. [12] The regulation specifies that the description should include the categories of personal information that are implicated by the financial incentive program and the “value of the consumer’s data.”[13]
    • How the consumer can opt-in to the financial incentive.[14] Information about how a consumer can opt-in (or join) a financial incentive program is typically conveyed when a consumer reviews an application to join or sign-up with the program.
    • How the consumer can opt-out, or withdraw, from the program. [15] This is an explanation as to how the consumer can invoke their right to withdraw from the program.[16]
    • An explanation of how the financial incentive is “reasonably related” to the value of the consumer’s data.[17] While the regulations state that a notice of financial incentive should provide an explanation as to how the financial incentive “reasonably relates” to the value of the consumer’s data, the CCPA requires only that a reasonable relationship exists if a business intends to discriminate against a consumer “because the consumer exercised any of the consumer’s rights” under the Act.[18] Where a business does not intend to use its loyalty program to discriminate against consumers that exercise CCPA-conferred privacy rights, it’s not clear whether this requirement applies. In the event that a reasonable relationship must be shown, however, the regulations require that a company provide a “good-faith estimate of the value of the consumer’s data that forms the basis” for the financial incentive and that the business provide a “description of the method” used to calculate that value.[19]
  • Obtain the consumer’s “opt in consent” to the “material terms” of the financial incentive,[9] and
  • Permit the consumer to revoke their consent “at any time.”[10]

FOOTNOTES

[1] FSOR Appendix A at 273 (Response 814) (including recognition from the AG that “loyalty programs” are not defined under the CCPA, and declining invitations to provide a definition through regulation).

[2] Cal. Civ. Code § 1798.100(a) (West 2021); Cal. Code Regs. tit. 11, 999.304(b), 305(a)(1) (2021).

[3] Cal. Code Regs. tit. 11, 999.304(a) (2021).

[5] Cal. Civ. Code § 1798.100(a).

[4] CAL. CODE REGS. tit. 11, 999.301(n); 304(d); 307(a), (b).

[6] CAL. CODE REGS. tit. 11, 999.301(j) (2021).

[7] FSOR Appendix A at 75 (Response 254).

[8] Cal. Civ. Code § 1798.125(b)(2) (West 2021).

[11] CAL. CODE REGS. tit. 11, 999.307(b)(1) (2021).

[12] CAL. CODE REGS. tit. 11, 999.307(b)(2) (2021).

[13] CAL. CODE REGS. tit. 11, 999.307(b)(2) (2021).

[14] CAL. CODE REGS. tit. 11, 999.307(b)(3) (2021).

[15] CAL. CODE REGS. tit. 11, 999.307(b)(4) (2021).

[16] Cal. Civ. Code § 1798.125(b)(3) (West 2021).

[17] CAL. CODE REGS. tit. 11, 999.307(b)(5) (2021).

[18] Cal. Civ. Code § 1798.125(a)(1), (2) (West 2021).

[19] CAL. CODE REGS. tit. 11, 999.307(b)(5)(a), (b) (2021).

[9] Cal. Civ. Code § 1798.125(b)(3) (West 2021).

[10] Cal. Civ. Code § 1798.125(b)(3) (West 2021).

©2022 Greenberg Traurig, LLP. All rights reserved.
For more articles about data privacy, visit the NLR Cybersecurity, Media & FCC section.

Oregon Health Authority Adopts COVID-19 Vaccination and Masking Rules in Healthcare and K-12 Education

On January 31, 2022, the Oregon Health Authority (OHA) published permanent rules relating to COVID-19 vaccination and masking requirements in healthcare settings, just a few days after issuing similar rules for K-12 schools. The permanent rules replaced temporary rules that expire after 180 days.

The permanent rules for both healthcare and K-12 settings will “remain in effect unless the State Public Health Director or State Public Health Officer issues an order stating that the requirements . . . are no longer necessary to control COVID-19.” Under both rules, the factors that may lead to a loosening of restrictions or rescission of the permanent rules include the following:

  • “The degree of COVID-19 transmission”

  • “COVID-19 related hospitalizations and deaths”

  • “Disparate COVID-19 related health impacts on communities of color and tribal communities”

  • “Guidance from the U.S. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention”

  • “Proportion of the population partially or fully vaccinated”

The statewide temporary indoor mask mandate is set to expire on February 8, 2022. OHA is still reviewing public comments on a proposed permanent indoor mask mandate and expects to publish a permanent rule in the coming weeks. Healthcare and K-12 employers may want to revisit their COVID-19 policies and workplace practices to consider whether they are complying

© 2022, Ogletree, Deakins, Nash, Smoak & Stewart, P.C., All Rights Reserved.
For similar articles on public health, visit the NLR Health Care Law section.