Can U.S. Companies Insure Against A Trade War?

The recent trade deal between the U.S. and China was welcome news for U.S. companies with investments in China.  The tenuous relationship between the countries, however, continues to cause substantial uncertainty for U.S. investors.  Their concerns are not unique to China—the Trump Administration has taken an aggressive trade stance even with nations usually considered friendly, including Brazil, Argentina, and France.

A growing number of companies are turning to political risk insurance to protect their foreign investments.  Such policies typically cover a variety of commercial losses stemming from political events, including expropriation, political violence, or currency conversion restrictions.

Are political risk policies a valuable tool in a company’s arsenal for mitigating the uncertainties of doing business in China or other countries embroiled in a trade war with the United States?  The answer depends, in large part, on the specific wording of the policy at issue.  There is no standard political risk policy form, and jurisprudence on such policies is extremely limited.  Potential policyholders must evaluate their needs carefully and be strategic during policy placement to ensure they are maximizing potential coverage.  For example:

Expropriation:  Political risk policies may cover losses stemming not only from a government’s outright nationalization or expropriation of a policyholder’s assets, but also from more subtle forms of unlawful discrimination against foreign entities.  The bounds of such coverage, however, are not always clear.  Many policies exclude incidental damages arising from lawful or legitimate acts of governance, which may give rise to disputes between policyholders and insurers as to the nature and motivation of a particular governmental act.

For example, the Chinese Government imposed tariffs and restrictions on U.S. companies doing business in China throughout 2019.  A policyholder seeking coverage for losses suffered due to these measures would argue that the restrictions were retaliatory acts in response to the U.S.-China trade war, meaning that its damages arose from covered acts of discrimination in violation of international law.  An insurer seeking to limit its coverage obligations may argue that China imposed these restrictions based on its view that the companies had violated market rules or otherwise damaged the interests of Chinese companies for noncommercial reasons—in other words, that these were legitimate act of governance taken in the public interest.

Given the lack of case law on the intended scope of expropriation coverage and the fact-intensive nature of disputes over the legitimacy of a particular governmental act, companies should seek to include the broadest possible definition of “expropriation” in their policy and to clarify the bounds of any exclusions.

Political Violence:  In addition to coverage for expropriation and related governmental acts, political risk policies also may provide coverage for losses stemming from physical damage to property due to protests, riots, or other acts of violence intended to achieve a political objective.  While U.S. investors may not commonly associate trade wars with physical violence, recent protests and riots over economic issues in countries such as Chile and Ecuador demonstrate the potential for severe economic turmoil (a common result of any trade war) to cause such violence.  As a result, U.S. companies with warehouses, offices, or other property in countries facing aggressive trade restrictions by the U.S., or in any nation suffering from substantial economic uncertainty, may find such coverage appealing.

The potential benefit of political violence coverage may depend, in large part, on how a policy proposes to determine the value of any damaged property or resulting financial losses.  Potential policyholders should ensure, for example, that a loss is valued pursuant to objective accounting standards and/or by a neutral third-party, as opposed to the insurer, who may have an interest in minimizing its liability.

Currency Inconvertibility:  A third component of political risk insurance is currency inconvertibility coverage—i.e., coverage for losses arising from a policyholder’s inability to convert currency due to exchange restrictions posed by a foreign government.  For example, such coverage might apply if a policyholder is unable to obtain repayment of a loan to a Chinese entity because of new restrictions by the Chinese Government on conversion of local currency to U.S. dollars or the transfer of funds to U.S. banks.  U.S. companies with investments in countries facing particularly extreme economic instability, such as Venezuela, may benefit most from such coverage, as those countries are most at risk for collapse of their currency exchange system.

As with political violence coverage, a policy’s proposed standards for valuing a currency inconvertibility loss are once again crucial to maximizing a policyholder’s protection.  Policies often calculate the value of a policyholder’s loss using the foreign country’s exchange rate on the date of loss.  In such scenarios, policyholders may benefit from defining the “date of loss” as occurring the first time the policyholder is unable to convert currency, as opposed to after a waiting period has occurred or after the insured has made multiple conversion attempts.  This may minimize the risk that the value of a covered loss decreases if the exchange rate in the country plummets while the insured fulfills other conditions for coverage.

Political risk policies likely cannot insulate U.S. companies from the full impact of a global trade war or other politically-inspired disruptions.  However, U.S. businesses can maximize the benefits of such coverage through careful policy drafting and strategic evaluation of their individual risk profile.


© 2020 Gilbert LLP

ARTICLE BY Emily P. Grim of Gilbert LLP.
More on recent US trade negotiations on the National Law Review Antitrust Law and Trade Regulation page.

China’s TikTok Facing Privacy & Security Scrutiny from U.S. Regulators, Lawmakers

Perhaps it is a welcome reprieve for Facebook, Google and YouTube. A competing video-sharing social media company based in China has drawn the attention of U.S. privacy officials and lawmakers, with a confidential investigation under way and public hearings taking place on Capitol Hill.

Reuters broke the story that the Treasury Department’s Committee on Foreign Investment in the United States (CFIUS) is conducting a national security review of the owners of TikTok, a social media video-sharing platform that claims a young but formidable U.S. audience of 26.5 million users. CFIUS is engaged in the context of TikTok owner ByteDance Technology Co.’s $1 billion acquisition of U.S. social media app Musical.ly two years ago, a deal ByteDance did not present to the agency for review.

Meanwhile, U.S. legislators are concerned about censorship of political content, such as coverage of protests in Hong Kong, and the location and security of personal data the company stores on U.S. citizens.

Sen. Josh Hawley (R-Mo.), Chairman of the Judiciary Committee’s Subcommittee on Crime and Terrorism, invited TikTok and others to testify in Washington this week for hearings titled “How Corporations and Big Tech Leave Our Data Exposed to Criminals, China, and Other Bad Actors.”

While TikTok did not send anyone to testify, the company’s recently appointed General Manager for North America and Australia Vanessa Pappas, formerly with YouTube, sent a letter indicating that it did not store data on U.S. citizens in China. She explained in an open letter on the TikTok website, which reads similarly to that reportedly sent to the subcommittee, that the company is very much aware of its privacy obligations and U.S. regulations and is taking a number of measures to address its obligations.

For nearly eight years Pappas served as Global Head of Creative Insights and before that Audience Development for YouTube. In late 2018 she was strategic advisor to ByteDance, and in January 2019 became TikTok’s U.S. General Manager. In July her territory expanded to North America and Australia. Selecting someone who played such a leadership position for YouTube, widely used and familiar to Americans, to lead U.S. operations may serve calm the nerves of U.S. regulators. But given U.S. tensions with China over trade, security and intellectual property, TikTok and Pappas have a way to go.

Some commentators think Facebook must enjoy watching TikTok getting its turn in the spotlight, especially since TikTok is a growing competitor to Facebook in the younger market. If just briefly, it may divert attention away from the attention being paid globally to the social media giant’s privacy and data collection practices, and the many fines.

It’s clear that TikTok has Facebook’s attention. TikTok, which allows users to create and share short videos with special effects, did a great deal of advertising on Facebook. The ads were clearly targeting the teen demographic and were apparently successful. CEO Mark Zuckerberg recently said in a speech that mentions of the Hong Kong protests were censored in TikTok feeds in China and to the United States, something TikTok denied. In a case of unfortunate timing, Zuckerberg this week posted that 100 or so software developers may have improperly accessed Facebook user data.

Since TikTok is largely a short-video sharing application, it competes at some level with YouTube in the youth market. In the third quarter of 2019, 81 percent of U.S. internet users aged 15 to 25 accessed YouTube, according to figures collected by Statista. YouTube boasts more than 126 million monthly active users in the U.S., 100 million more than TikTok.

Potential counterintelligence ‘we cannot ignore’

Last month, U.S. Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer (D-NY) and Senator Tom Cotton (R-AR) asked Acting Director of National Intelligence to conduct a national security probe of TikTok and other Chinese companies. Expressing concern about the collection of user data, whether the Chinese government censors content feeds to the U.S., as Zuckerberg suggested, and whether foreign influencers were using TikTok to advance their objectives.

“With over 110 million downloads in the U.S. alone,” the Schumer and Cotton letter read, “TikTok is a potential counterintelligence threat we cannot ignore. Given these concerns, we ask that the Intelligence Community conduct an assessment of the national security risks posed by TikTok and other China-based content platforms operating in the U.S. and brief Congress on these findings.” They must be happy with Sen. Hawley’s hearings.

In her statement, TikTok GM Pappas offered the following assurances:

  • U.S. user data is stored in the United States with backup in Singapore — not China.
  • TikTok’s U.S. team does what’s best for the U.S. market, with “the independence to do so.”
  • The company is committed to operating with greater transparency.
  • California-based employees lead TikTok’s moderation efforts for the U.S.
  • TikTok uses machine learning tools and human content reviews.
  • Moderators review content for adherence to U.S. laws.
  • TikTok has a dedicated team focused on cybersecurity and privacy policies.
  • The company conducts internal and external reviews of its security practices.
  • TikTok is forming a committee of users to serve them responsibly.
  • The company has banned political advertising.

Both TikToc and YouTube have been stung by failing to follow the rules when it comes to the youth and children’s market. In February, TikTok agreed to pay $5.7 million to settle the FTC’s case which allege that, through the Musical.ly app, TikTok company illegally collected personal information from children. At the time it was the largest civil penalty ever obtained by the FTC in a case brought under the Children’s Online Privacy Protection Act (COPPA). The law requires websites and online services directed at children obtain parental consent before collecting personal information from kids under 13. That record was smashed in September, though, when Google and its YouTube subsidiary agreed to pay $170 million to settle allegations brought by the FTC and the New York Attorney General that YouTube was also collecting personal information from children without parental consent. The settlement required Google and YouTube to pay $136 million to the FTC and $34 million to New York.

Quality degrades when near-monopolies exist

What I am watching for here is whether (and how) TikTok and other social media platforms respond to these scandals by competing on privacy.

For example, in its early years Facebook lured users with the promise of privacy. It was eventually successful in defeating competitors that offered little in the way of privacy, such as MySpace, which fell from a high of 75.9 million users to 8 million today. But as Facebook developed a dominant position in social media through acquisition of competitors like Instagram or by amassing data, the quality of its privacy protections degraded. This is to be expected where near-monopolies exist and anticompetitive mergers are allowed to close.

Now perhaps the pendulum is swinging back. As privacy regulation and publicity around privacy transgressions increase, competitive forces may come back into play, forcing social media platforms to compete on the quality of their consumer privacy protections once again. That would be a great development for consumers.

 


© MoginRubin LLP

ARTICLE BY Jennifer M. Oliver of MoginRubin.
Edited by Tom Hagy for MoginRubin LLP.
For more on social media app privacy concerns, see the National Law Review Communications, Media & Internet law page.

Getting Political: Florida Gubernatorial Candidate Democrat Jeff Greene Personally Hit with TCPA Class Action

As I have written numerous times, where the TCPA intersects politics things can get spicy.

Imagine it–using a draconian statute to assault your political rivals and bludgeon old foes with ligation designed to extract millions of dollars from their pocket based upon campaign phone calls.

Suing political candidates under the TCPA has become a bit of a ritual in America over the last few years. Obama faced a TCPA suit. As did Trump. More recently Beto O’Rourke faced such a suit. As did an organization supporting the Kavanugh confirmation.  Heck, even the Human Society’s text campaign supporting California’s Prop 12 was *ahem* neutered by a TCPA class action.

In furtherance of that great tradition,  a Florida resident named Lynda Maceda filed suit yesterday against bested Florida gubernatorial candidate Jeff Greene. According to his wiki page Jeff is a successful business guy and real estate investment type. According to Ms. Maceda’s Complaint, however, he’s a robocaller that sent the following message without consent:

“Hi, this is Democrat Jeff Greene running for governor. I’ll stand up to Donald Trump and for Florida’s families. Joseph, if you want world-class schools, commonsense gun reform and to protect women’s choice, please vote for me with your absentee ballot! Can we count on your support?”

The Complaint alleges that thousands of similar complaints were sent all of them without express consent. Ms. Maceda hopes to represent a failsafe clas of all individuals that received the texts without express consent. If these allegations are proven Ms. Maceda hopes to hold Mr. Greene accountable for “amounts [] greater than $15,000,000.” Gees.

Notably, Mr. Greene is sued personally for these violations–usually these TCPA claims are asserted against a candidate’s campaign rather than against the candidate individually.

The Complaint can be found here: Class Action Complaint against Florida Democratic Gubernatorial Candidate Jeff Greene

 

© Copyright 2019 Squire Patton Boggs (US) LLP
This post was written by Eric J. Troutman of Squire Patton Boggs (US) LLP.
Read more Litigation news on the National Law Review’s Litigation Type of Law page.

Why does it Matter if the NRA Used Russian Money to help Donald Trump’s Election?

The old saying goes, that “when you have a hammer, everything looks like a nail.” And as a campaign finance lawyer, I have to remind myself that not every story is a money in politics story. But the more I look at the 2016 election and what transpired, campaign finance is at the heart of the scandal.

To wit, this January, McClatchy reported that the FBI is allegedly investigating whether a Russian banker named Aleksander Torshin (who’s also wanted on criminal charges in Spain for unrelated matters) may have funneled money into the National Rifle Association (NRA) for the benefit of the candidacy of Donald Trump in 2016. At this point, all this is just a press report. We don’t have confirmation of this investigation.

In March, Politico reported that the Federal Election Commission (FEC) is investigating whether there really was any Russian money running through the NRA in the 2016 presidential election. This comes on the heels of Oregon Democratic Senator Ron Wyden asking similar questions to the NRA.

Illegal Political Sources

But why would this be so significant if the story of rubles flowing through the NRA is correct? For one, such spending by a foreigner in an American election is totally illegal under American law. Indeed foreign electoral spending has been barred since 1966 amendments to the Foreign Agents Registration Act (FARA). And with a Special Counsel actively indicting people for their roles in the 2016 election, this could become part of that criminal probe.

We Were Warned

Second, if the NRA-Russia-Trump nexus is borne out by the facts, then it will vindicate warnings from Supreme Court Justices and campaign finance reformers who said inviting secretive corporate money into our politics would provide cover for illegal foreign spending in American elections.

This caution was part of Justice John Paul Stevens’ dissent in Citizens United. He was leery of the possibility that inviting corporations into U.S. elections could invite foreign influence. As he wrote, “[u]nlike voters in U.S. elections, corporations may be foreign controlled.” He also noted the absurdity of giving equal protection to foreign speakers in this context: it would be like “accord[ing] the propaganda broadcasts to our troops by ‘Tokyo Rose’ during World War II the same protection as speech by Allied commanders.”

This warning that dark money could hide foreign money was particularly pronounced from transparency advocates among campaign finance reformers. In 2016, the FEC tried to promulgate new rules to clarify reporting requirements. But the FEC deadlocked and no new rules were finalized.

Without Clear Transparency Rules Dark Money Flourished

In the absence of new clear rules from the FEC, or Congress for that matter, dark money has increased. As I described in the law review article Dark Money As a Political Sovereignty Problem, since 2010, over $800 million in “dark money” has been spent in federal elections. Because of the dark money problem, often we don’t know what we don’t know about corporate money in politics—including whether it is from an illegal foreign source.

There is a data chart showing $183.8 million in dark money in 2016; $177.7 million in dark money in 2014; $308.6 million in dark money in 2012 and $135.6 million in dark money in 2010.

The growth of dark money is often blamed on the Supreme Court’s 2010 decision, Citizens United v. FEC. Paradoxically, Citizens United upheld the constitutionality of disclosure of the underlying sources of money in politics by a vote of 8 to 1. But regulators did not take up the Supreme Court’s open invitation to improve disclosure laws after Citizens United, thereby allowing dark money to metastasize like a cancer on our democracy.

How Dark Money Gets Dark

Here’s how dark political money works. Say you have a company that wants to exercise its Citizens United rights, but it doesn’t want to tell the public. That company gives the money to a politically active 501(c)(4) social welfare organization or 501(c)(6) trade association. Then that nonprofit buys political ads in a federal election. The FEC doesn’t require the nonprofit to reveal where it got the money. Even if the company is publicly traded, there is no SEC rule that requires the company to tell investors that they are spending money in politics. For even more secrecy, money can also be routed through a shell corporation like an LLC to make tracing the money even more difficult.

The Allegation

The reporting by McClatchy (and others) alleges that NRA’s Institute for Legislative Action (ILA), a 501(c)(4) arm of the NRA, that does not disclose its donors, received money from the Russian banker Torshin. We don’t know if that happened.

We do know how the NRA spent its money. In 2016, the NRA expended $54,398,558 in outside political spending. The NRA spent $31 million of that money to support Mr. Trump’s candidacy. According to Open Secrets.org, showing $183.8 million in dark money in 2016; $177.7 million in dark money in 2014$308.6 million in dark money in 2012 and $135.6 million in dark money in 2010.

It is outlandish to think that the NRA would wittingly or unwittingly violate American campaign finance law? At this point we don’t know if they have done anything wrong. However, the NRA has a long history of fighting campaign finance regulations. In 2010 when the Congress was on the verge of passing the DISCLOSE Act which would have brought transparency to money in politics post-Citizens United, lobbyists for the NRA got a legislative carve out so that new disclosure would not apply to them.

The NRA was also center stage in litigation against the last big federal campaign law, the Bipartisan Campaign Reform Act (better known as BRCA or McCain-Feingold). In 2002, the NRA and one its PACs, National Rifle Association Political Victory Fund were plaintiffs challenging the constitutionality of BRCA. This case was consolidated into the case that became McConnell v. FEC, a case that ended up upholding the constitutionality of BRCA, including its campaign finance disclosure requirements. Moreover, in 2001 the NRA was held liable for campaign finance violations from the 1978 and 1982 elections.

Conclusion

Like so many aspects of the multiple investigations into what really happened in the 2016 election, the public has no idea what will ultimately be revealed. Reading the news has become like a live action spy novel. It is possible further investigation will only exonerate the NRA and the Russian banker. But one strain to keep an eye on is whether any foreign money helped elect a U.S. president. Did I mention that’s completely illegal?

 

© Copyright 2018 Brennan Center for Justice at New York University School of Law

Sessions, Oprah, Obama but not the Russians in Trump’s On-Going Twitter War

On February 20, 2018, DNC deputy communications director Adrienne Watson responded to a recent series of tweets by President Trump.  Last week’s Russian election meddling indictments renewed the debate about whether Obama did enough to counter Russian interference when he was in office.

After continued criticism about how he is handling Russia’s meddling in the 2016 Election, President Trump took to Twitter. Watson details Trump’s tweets from his attacks on Oprah, down to the Pennsylvania redistricting map. Trump’s tweets from last week and even today, included no mention of prevention of future Russian attacks on US elections, he did not condemn the Kremlin’s attack of the 2016-Presidential and he adamantly denies that the Mueller investigation will or has uncovered any unsavory connections between him and the Russians.

Trump Tweet Fox News Says Russia Has not dirt on Trump

Why Doesn’t Sessions Go After Obama for the Russian Meddling?

On February 21st Trump lashed out at Attorney General Jeff Sessions,  asking why he isn’t investigating the Obama-administration for being weak in the face of Russian aggression.

Trump Tweet why didnt Sessions go after Obama

Pressuring Sessions to investigate Obama’s knowledge of Russian involvement is somewhat awkward because Session’s involvement with Russian government officials was investigated by the Department of Justice in March 2017.  Sessions stated during his confirmation hearing in January 2017, that he “did not have communications with the Russians.” It was later determined by the Justice Department that he met with Russian ambassador, Sergey I. Kislyak twice in the preceding 12 months.

Sessions clarified the apparent disharmony between his sworn confirmation testimony and the two meetings with the Russian ambassador by stating that he “never met with any Russian officials to discuss issues of the campaign.”

The President seemed to forget that Sessions recused himself from the Russian investigation in June 2017.  “I recused myself not because of any asserted wrongdoing on my part during the campaign,” Sessions stated. “But because a Department of Justice regulation, 28 CFR 45.2, required it.”

What did the Obama Administration Know and When?

From the Mueller indictment, we now know that in 2015 the Russians purchased advertisements on social-media sites designed to influence public opinion, but it remains unclear whether the F.B.I. or any other intelligence agencies were aware of the purchases and other election interferences in real time.

By the summer of 2016, U.S. intelligence agencies had collected a “critical mass” of data about Russian efforts to intervene in the election. This prompted John Brennan, the then director of the C.I.A., to brief Obama and other top advisers in August about the threat.  But President Obama and his advisors didn’t learn of the extent of the Russian inference, including the use of fake personas online, or that the Russians were exploiting Facebook and other social-media sites until after the 2016 elections former administration officials said. “We knew some things, but didn’t have all the pieces,” a senior official said, referring to Obama’s final weeks in office.

Who is Tougher on Russia?  It Depends on Who You Ask.

From the beginning, President Trump has vehemently denied that his campaign and administration had any knowledge of Russian meddling in the election.  As detailed in his tweets, he also continues to state that the current administration has been “tougher on Russia than Obama.”

Trump Tweet Im tougher on Russia than Obama

Although the President claims the Obama administration didn’t take proper actions against Russia, Obama did make strides towards imposing sanctions against Russia, with a major retaliatory measures coming after the 2016 Election, when the Obama Administration expelled 35 Russian diplomats accused of interfering  with the Presidential Election, sanctioning three companies and also closing two Russian diplomatic offices in the United States.

Trump has yet to impose sanctions against the Russians, after the overwhelming passage of the Countering America’s Adversaries Through Sanctions Act by Congress last year. The sanctions were to take effect on January 29th.  The law gives the administration the power to target powerful Russian elites and companies and countries that do business with blacklisted Russian military and intelligence entities.  The administration also failed to meet a deadline to identify Russian entities and individuals which would be added to a sanctions list. Instead, the Administration published a list of 96 known prominent Russian Oligarchs, as noted on Twitter by Tom ParfittMoscow Correspondent at The London Times.

Parfitt Tweet Russians added to list all from Forbes

Treasury Secretary Steven Mnuchin said February 14 that the Trump administration is “actively working” on imposing sanctions on Russia over its interference in the 2016 US election.  And on February 20th, White House Press Secretary Sarah Sanders stated that Donald Trump “has done a number of things to put pressure on Russia and be tough on Russia.” We’ll have to see what’s coming and maybe we’ll find out exactly what Trump has done to put pressure on Russia, monitor Twitter.

 

Copyright ©2018 National Law Forum, LLC
This post was written by Alessandra de Faria and Jennifer Schaller of the National Law Forum.
Read more coverage of Trump’s tweets and other political news at the Election page of the National Law Review.

Mueller Indictment: Russians Manipulated Social Media, Advertising and Political Rallies to Impact 2016 Election

Robert Mueller’s office released 37 page  indictment of 13 Russian individuals and three Russian organizations for interference in the 2016 Presidential election.  According to Mueller’s office, a Russian organization based in St. Petersburg known as the Internet Research Agency used fake American social media profiles sometimes posing as political activists to wage “information warfare,” interfering with and manipulating the US election process.

According to today’s indictment, these activities began as early as 2014, with certain defendants traveling to the United States and obtaining VPN infrastructure, to obscure the origins of their activities so various accounts would appear to be based within the United States.  Alleged activities included purchasing online advertisements–and stealing identities to do so.  Moving offline the defendants and their co-conspirators solicited individuals to disparage or promote candidates, including hiring a woman to wear a costume portraying Hillary Clinton in a prison uniform at various political events, all while hiding their Russian identities.

These activities were done without proper regulatory disclosure and without registering as foreign entities.  Deputy Attorney General, Rod Rosenstein, who announced the indictment stated: “The defendants allegedly conducted what they called information warfare against the United States with the stated goal of spreading distrust towards the candidates and the political system in general.”

DNC Chair Tom Perez released a statement, saying, “This indictment gives us a chilling look at just how sophisticated, well-funded and wide-ranging this attack on our democracy really was. It should send chills up the spine of every American.”   Perez points to the indictment as proof that the 2016 election was marred by Russian interference; including hacking into the DNC by Russian operatives as well as hacking into voter registration systems across the country, along with the now ubiquitous understanding of the Russian presence on social media and their attempts to foster disagreement and manufacture intense contention among already disagreeing Americans online.

Additionally, Perez points to Trump’s failure to act on the information presented by Mueller, referencing Trump’s attempts to diminish and discredit the Mueller investigation and his failure to direct intelligence officials to take action to prevent future attacks.   Perez:

“President Trump continues to deny these facts.  And Republican in Congress continues to spread falsehoods to tarnish the very investigation that is beginning to hold Russia accountable for its actions in 2016. If the president won’t uphold the oath he took to protect our nation’s security, he has no place in the Oval Office. And if Republican leaders in Congress can’t put the interests of our democracy before politics, they have no place in Congress.”

On the other side of the aisle, Kayleigh McEnany, an RNC spokesperson read the indictment to indicate that Russian interference was two-sided, with President-elect Trump also in the Russian cross-hairs.  She points specifically to rallies funded by Russian Roubles on November 12th and 19th of 2016, in the days following the election.   In an appearance on Fox News, she indicated that it was the Democrats who had deceived the country by emphasizing the Russian election interference.  She said, “Democrats deceived this country…and they were caught today.”

In a tweet today, president Trump stated that there was a lack of allegations in today’s indictment of any impact on the 2016 presidential election and highlighted his campaign’s lack of involvement.

Trump Tweet  Russian Election Indictment

However, a holistic reading of the indictment supports claims that Russian interference did appear to impact the 2016 election. The indictment offers a timeline of the defendant’s conspiracy that had a clear purpose: “impairing, obstructing and defeating the lawful governmental functions of the United States by dishonest means in order to enable the Defendants to interfere with U.S. political and electoral processes, including the 2016 U.S. Presidential election.”

You can read the indictment here.

For more on Election Legal issues, check out our Legislative, Election, Lobbying, Campaign Finance and Voting Law News.

This post was written by Eilene Spear of The National Law Review/The National Law Forum LLC.

Trump Administration Executive Order on Ethics Breaks New Ground

President Trump signed an executive order on ethics this weekend that is similar in key respects to the Obama Administration’s executive order governing ethical conduct by presidential appointees. But in one key respect it is significantly broader in scope than the previous Obama executive order. The Trump executive order incorporates the concept of “ lobbying activities, ” a defined term that it imports from the federal Lobbying Disclosure Act.

Presidential appointees are required to agree that they will not engage in “lobbying activities” with respect to their agency for five years after the end of their term of office. Lobbying activities is a broad and amorphous term that covers not just actual lobbying contacts that may trigger lobbyist registration but also behind-the-scenes strategic advice and other work related to the lobbying contacts of others. In other words, whereas the restrictions in the Obama executive order applied to individuals who engaged in activities requiring lobbyist registration, the Trump executive order reaches even activity by non-registered lobbyists. This closes one of the major loopholes that President Obama had included in his administration’s executive order on ethics.

The Trump executive order also bars appointees from engaging in “lobbying activities” with respect to any covered executive branch official or non-career Senior Executive Service appointee for the remainder of the Administration.  This provision applies not just to the appointee’s former agency but to the entire executive branch. And again, because it applies to “lobbying activities,” as that term is defined in the LDA, it applies to behind-the-scenes strategic advice that supports someone else’s lobbying contacts.

Incorporating the term “lobbying activities” will have very significant consequences for Trump administration appointees, subjecting them to much broader post-employment restrictions than was so for Obama administration appointees. It would be difficult for Trump appointees who sign the pledge to pursue employment as strategic advisors, much less lobbyists, for a period of time after leaving the administration.

The change in language is quite subtle, probably understood only by Lobbying Disclosure Act aficionados at this point. But it is likely to draw considerable attention as appointees begin to focus on the consequences of signing the pledge.

© 2017 Covington & Burling LLP

Forecasting the Trump Administration’s First 100 Days

Trump AdministrationWith the 2016 election in the rearview mirror, manufacturers must be mindful of the early initiatives you can expect from Congress and the new administration. With a return to one-party rule, the coming congressional term is likely to be among the most active in recent memory.

President-elect Trump’s appointment of Republican National Committee Chairman Reince Priebus as White House chief of staff signals that, rather than battling the Washington establishment, Trump has now embraced it to get results. Similarly, the decision to replace New Jersey Governor Chris Christie with Vice President-elect Mike Pence as transition team lead means the president-elect understands that, campaign rhetoric aside, his early success will depend on partnering with House Speaker Paul Ryan and Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell.

Early Legislation

The Trump transition team was thinly staffed and produced few of the reams of position papers the Clinton team, and even the Romney team in 2012, produced leading up to Election Day. As a result, we believe the core of the term’s early legislation will be a series of bills previously passed, largely by the House, which President Obama refused to consider. The last four years’ deep legislative history offers insight into the likely legislative agenda, for example, the upcoming tax bill or financial services reform.

In the short run, we expect the first weeks of the Trump Administration will focus on quick action to nullify many of the Obama Administration’s executive orders. Priorities likely include approving the Keystone XL pipeline, reversing Clean Air Act rules, striking down the increased minimum wage for federal contractors, and freezing the recruiting of new, non-defense federal employees. Trump also spoke during the campaign about lifting restrictions on U.S. energy development and canceling billions in payments to U.N. climate programs.

On trade, expect the president-elect to order his new commerce secretary to “identify all foreign trading abuses that unfairly impact American workers and direct them to use every tool under American and international law to end those abuses immediately.” Also expect Canada, Mexico, and the United States to begin negotiations to revamp the North American Free Trade Agreement.

We anticipate that Republican leadership to combine a number of priorities into a major reconciliation bill, which will only require 51 Senate votes. (Other Senate bills require 60 votes to advance under current rules.) Key elements in this whopper of a bill will likely be tax reform, the repeal or rewrite of the Affordable Care Act, and financial services reform. Such reform will assuredly eviscerate the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau (“CFPB”), in addition to addressing a number of other issues.

Aside from fleshing out the Cabinet, President Trump will nominate a Supreme Court justice and two members of the Federal Reserve’s seven-member Board of Governors. It is worth noting that the Fed now has jurisdiction over the CFPB. Another interesting decision is whether to fill the open seats on the Export-Import Bank. Three of its five seats are open. While Congress has fought off challenges to kill the bank, Trump could effectively kill it by never filling the vacant seats.

What’s Next?

In the next six months, the new administration and Congress will negotiate some of the largest changes to law in recent memory, substantially impacting manufacturers.

© 2016 Foley & Lardner LLP

Federal Election Commission to Reconsider Political Involvement by U.S. Subsidiaries of Foreign Corporations on Tuesday

Feederal Election CommissionForeign nationals, both individuals and corporations, have long been barred from making contributions in federal, state or local elections in the United States. The statutory prohibition includes contributions made “directly” or “indirectly,” bars the solicitation as well as the making of contributions, and since 2002, includes a ban on expenditures, independent expenditures, or electioneering communications by foreign nationals.  Penalties are stiff, including incarceration for a criminal violation.

But how should the law treat U.S. corporations that are subsidiaries of a foreign corporate parent? Are they “American” if run by U.S. citizens, incorporated in the United States, and U.S. citizens make all funding and spending decisions?  The Federal Election Commission first answered this question in a  1978 advisory opinion and, in essence concluded that if U.S. citizens control the decisions about contributions and the operation of the PAC, using corporate funds raised from U.S. operations, and the PAC contains only funds from lawful U.S. donors, the ban on “indirect” contributions by a foreign national does not apply, even if the U.S. subsidiary is wholly owned by a foreign parent company.

This view has always had its dissenters, but for decades this has been the view of a majority at the FEC. However, since 2012, at least three FEC Commissioners have argued that this view of the law is incorrect, and that the issues should be reconsidered and/or reversed so that U.S. subsidiaries of foreign corporations would be barred from making contributions or expenditures in federal, state or local elections, including being barred from operating a corporate PAC.  This has generated 3-3 deadlocks in a number of advisory  opinions. The FEC will revisit the issue Tuesday, as Commissioner Ravel has placed the issue on the agenda for the FEC’s next meeting, seeking to remove the exemption for U.S. subsidiaries run by U.S. nationals.

There seem to be three principal arguments in favor of a change.

  • The tools presently available to enforce the law are too weak to address the threat, and only an outright ban is sufficient to stop foreign involvement.

  • Even when foreign nationals have no direct role in contribution decisions, the foreign ownership alters the thinking of the Americans who run the U.S. subsidiary, and their loyalties cannot help but shift to the interests of their foreign owners, and only a total ban can prevent this indirect influence.

  • Citizens United led to an unwarranted expansion of corporate political power, and this is one way to reign it in.

In a statement released in advance of the meeting, Commissioner Ravel seems to be advancing the first of these arguments, citing a recent and successful Justice Department prosecution of a foreign national who funneled contributions into a state election, and a recent news report alleging that foreign nationals directly controlled a U.S. corporation’s decision to give to a super PAC. Some will take this as a sign the current regime is working, with violations being uncovered and prosecuted.

The issue is unlikely to be resolved at the FEC on Tuesday, but will remain a hot button topic in campaign finance, and should be on everyone’s radar screen if Congress takes up the issue of campaign finance reform in the next Congress.

© 2016 Covington & Burling LLP

Donald Trump, Want To Binge-Watch Anti-Trump Ads? You’ll Need Three Full Days And Nights

If you were to binge-watch every negative Donald Trump advertisement aired in 23 selected markets during the primary season, you would first want to make yourself comfortable.

How comfortable?  Extremely so. You’ll be sitting down for more than 3 days and nights.

Our analysis of Political TV Ad Archive data has found that the Republican presidential nominee was the subject of at least 4,963 minutes of negative advertisements between Nov. 20 and July 14, in television markets ranging from San Francisco to Washington, D.C. Cumulatively, the ads attacking Trump amounted to about 83 hours of air time.

Donald Trump, Election anti-trump ads
Screenshot of Our Principles PAC advertisement from the Political Ad Archive

By comparison, it would take about 11 hours to watch the airings of negative ads aimed exclusively at Hillary Clinton. The presumptive Democratic nominee only had one major primary candidate, Bernie Sanders, who, for the most part, stuck to his pledge of running a positive campaign. Republican groups sponsored all of the anti-Clinton spots.

The campaign against Trump is unusual. Most of the attack ads came from a super PAC backed by his own Republican party’s establishment.

Outsourcing negative ads

Although waning in influence, television advertisements still make up the single largest expense of any presidential campaign – nearly three of every four dollars spent. Most political ads are bought by campaign committees that are tied directly to an individual candidate.

Traditionally, those committees have been reluctant to sling mud for fear of angering voters. Instead they have outsourced the work of attacking opposing candidates to outside spending groups. Most negative ads are now sponsored by those groups, which include super PACs and “dark money” organizations that aren’t required to reveal their donors.

Archive records show that anti-Trump ads aired at least 7,811 times during the primary season. Our Principles, a super PAC backed by the Republican party’s establishment wing, paid for at least 1,795 airings of spots dedicated to attacking Trump individually — the most from a single group. Nearly 30% of that air time was devoted to one ad that attacked the Republican nominee’s history of using undocumented workers on construction projects.

Two super PACs affiliated with the campaign of U.S. Sen. Ted Cruz paid for at least 670 airings of anti-Trump ads. But the Texas Republican, who ran against Trump in the GOP presidential primary before dropping out of the race in May, used his own campaign funds to pay for 5 separate ads attacking Trump. One of those spots claimed Trump favored gender-neutral public bathrooms.

Conservative Solutions PAC, a super PAC affiliated with the unsuccessful campaign of U.S. Sen. Marco Rubio (R-Florida), who dropped out of the race in March, paid for nearly 600 airings of anti-Trump spots. All of those ads featured Trump boasting, “I love the poorly educated.”

Business As Usual

Of the 95 separate advertisements focused on Trump, the Political Ad Archive determined that 71 were unambiguously negative, while 22 ads were considered strictly positive. That means that roughly 3 out of every 4 ads featuring only Trump were negative.

Those figures are similar to the previous presidential primary season, when roughly 70 percent of the political ads aired through April of 2012 took a negative tone, according to researchers at the Wesleyan Media Project. In 2008, only 9 percent of presidential primary ads were negative.

A 2012 post-election report found that near the end of the campaign, the prevalence of negative ads threatened to swamp any positive marketing by candidates. Almost 90 percent of 2012 GOP nominee Mitt Romney’s general election advertisements were negative, according to Kantar Media CMAG; roughly 80 percent of Obama’s 2012 spots were attack ads.

Clinton’s allies have been attacking Trump since late November, according to archive records. Priorities USA Action, a Democratic-leaning super PAC that supported Obama and is now backing the former Secretary of State, has paid for 527 airings of attack ads focused only on Trump, including one spot that has run 415 times. Clinton’s own committee has already aired more than 130 anti-Trump ads, including one that consists entirely of Republicans criticizing Trump.

Methodology: analysis of Political TV Ad Archive data through July 14, 2016. The markets included in the Political TV Ad Archive include stations in Iowa (Des Moines-Ames; Cedar Rapids-Waterloo-Iowa City-Dubuque; and Sioux City), New Hampshire (Boston-Manchester), Nevada (Las Vegas and Reno), South Carolina (Columbia and  Greenville-Spartanburg), Colorado (Colorado-Springs-Pueblo and Denver), North Carolina (Charlotte and Raleigh-Durham-Fayetteville); Virginia (Roanoke-Lynchburg; Norfolk-Portsmouth-Newport News; and Washington, DC-Hagerstown), Ohio (Cleveland-Akron-Canton and Cincinnati), Florida (Tampa-St. Petersburg-Sarasota; Orlando_Daytona Beach-Melbourne; and Miami-Ft. Lauderdale), California (San Francisco), Pennsylvania (Philadelphia), and New York (New York City). More information about the data from the Political TV Ad Archive is available here.

ARTICLE BY MapLight of MapLight
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