Electrification of the Fleet is on the Horizon, Preparing Now is Key

While we often hear how EVs will revolutionize the lives of the average consumer, commercial fleet owners are starting to take note of the impact these new powertrain systems will have on their own business and operations. As OEMs find creative ways to increase aerodynamics, extend battery range, and increase charging speeds, the zero emission and lower long-term cost of EVs compared to ICE (internal combustion engine) vehicles makes a compelling argument for adoption, at least on paper. What really matters is how those factors play out as the rubber hits the road, which OEMs are starting to see play out in real time. Over the past few years, there has been an explosion of commercial fleet platforms from existing and new entrants in the commercial vehicle space. From light to heavy trucking to fleet platform automobiles, EV technology is looking to capture every corner of the commercial fleet sector. Coupled with a slow reduction in the number of ICE vehicles produced in future years, the market may start pushing fleet operations towards EVs, whether they like it or not.

According to the Department of Transportation, over eight million vehicles made up commercial fleets in the US in 2020, which includes a mix of trucks and automobiles used in commercial and government operations. Even more make up commercial vehicles on the road that are not considered part of a fleet. As consumer demand drives most traditional OEMs toward EV dominated fleets, commercial fleet owners and operators need to start to prepare now for the same shift in their vehicle suppliers, or risk playing catchup once the market does turn from ICE to EV. This isn’t to say that failure to be an early adopter will be the death-knell to commercial fleet businesses; it likely won’t be. What businesses with commercial fleets should consider is their own business needs and their timeline for their own fleet replacement as EV technology and infrastructure support continues to evolve. Establishing a process and plan for upgrading existing fleets, training personnel, upgrading infrastructure, and understanding available programs for conversion will be key.

The switch from an ICE to EV fleet isn’t as simple as flipping a switch or plugging in a car – EVs bring a new powertrain and new sources of information. EVs in their current state are expensive, new vehicle supply is constantly in question, current operators are unaware of the nuances involved with operating an EV, and the infrastructure necessary to support a commercial fleet of EVs isn’t universally robust. For the average fleet operator, there also is a need to focus on route optimization, installing and maintaining new hardware capable to supporting charging on-site, revamping their maintenance and care procedures, and working with their local energy providers to understand how power demands in their local market may impact their own energy costs and needs. Additionally, although data analytics has improved existing fleet operations over the past few years, expect to see more nuanced data availability to the benefit of fleet operators.  As commercial and consumer EVs come out with ever more connectivity to the web and each other, coupled with the ability for “smart cities” to increase data available to drivers and vehicles, expect future fleet operators to get even more granular and predictive understanding of traffic patterns to optimize commercial routes. Managing these dynamics and capitalizing on new sources of information will better enable operators to adapt to the changing landscape. The ability to adapt to this new frontier will be a key trait for successful fleet operations in the Auto-2.0 operated environment.

© 2022 Foley & Lardner LLP

Life in The Fast Lane: How Urban Car Ads Depicting ‘Street Art’ Can Backfire

Vehicle manufacturers and their ad agencies really love to show off their driving machines in action. Television commercials depict sturdy, reliable trucks hauling tons of cargo; four-wheel-drive SUVs navigating perilous terrain in extreme weather conditions; and sleek sedans cruising through cityscapes of gleaming skyscrapers and funky urban streets.

It is on the funky urban streets where car manufacturers can sometimes steer in the wrong direction. Their commercials often feature street scenes that may include recognizable landmarks, historic buildings, public art installations like sculptures and wall murals, and even distinctive graffiti. Carmakers aren’t the only retailers entranced by “street art.” Makers of athletic shoes and apparel like to incorporate graffiti-like designs into their fashions and ads, as well. Filming other people’s art, even when in public view, can result in copyright claims, litigation and attorneys’ fees, not to mention potential damages. This article offers a brief roadmap for avoiding such claims.

Over the last decade, at least four automobile manufacturers have found themselves embroiled in copyright litigation as a result of having incorporated public art into their advertisements. (A word of caution to other retailers: American Eagle Outfitters, Coach, H&M, Marriott International, McDonald’s, Moschino, North Face and Roberto Cavali, among others, also have found themselves navigating lawsuits over the alleged appropriation of street art.)

In 2011, Fiat released a television commercial featuring Jennifer Lopez, seemingly driving through her old Bronx neighborhood, where she grew up. “Here, this is my world,” she says in voice over, as stereotypical Bronx scenes pass by. One of those scenes included an intersection splashed with murals created by the group that calls itself “TATS Cru,” which then asserted a claim of copyright infringement. Soon after the car company became aware of the issue, the claim was quickly settled out of court. (Incidentally, the commercial was also controversial for reasons unrelated to the infringed-upon mural: JLo wasn’t actually driving the car around her old neighborhood; rather, it was driven by a double, and JLo did the voice over from Los Angeles.)

In 2018, General Motors launched an advertising campaign for its Cadillac line. Labeled “The Art of the Drive,” the campaign featured images of Cadillac vehicles with scenes from Detroit in the background. One of those images included a large mural by a Swiss graffiti artist professionally known as “Smash 137,” who had been commissioned by a Detroit art gallery to create an outdoor mural on the outdoor elevator shed of a 10-story parking garage. He sued G.M. for copyright infringement.

The company argued that the lawsuit should be dismissed on the grounds that the parking garage was an “architectural work,” the mural was incorporated into that structure and, therefore, it was permissible to use a photograph of the structure in its ads. After the court rejected this argument and it was clear the lawsuit was headed for a jury trial, the lawsuit settled.

And in 2019, Mercedes-Benz USA, LLC was threatened with lawsuits by several artists who claimed that Instagram photos posted by Mercedes-Benz of its G 500 luxury truck in the foreground of colorful Detroit murals infringed upon their copyright rights. Rather than wait to be sued, the automobile company took the initiative and filed federal lawsuits in which it asked the court for a determination of non-infringement. As G.M. had done, Mercedes-Benz argued that the 1990 federal law that extended copyright protection to architectural designs (the Architectural Works Copyright Protection Act, or AWCPA) allowed the company to post photographs of the exteriors of buildings visible from public spaces, notwithstanding the artwork painted on them.

The muralists filed a motion seeking the summary dismissal of the car company’s lawsuits on several grounds, including that the AWCPA did not permit the company’s copying of their artwork. Soon after the court denied that motion, the parties reached a settlement and the lawsuits were dropped.

Most recently, Volkswagen Group of America, Inc. finds itself in the litigation fast lane. On November 11, another artist who is supposedly known for her work in a variety of media, including murals and street art, sued the car manufacturer, as well as Marvel Entertainment, over a 2018 cross-promotional commercial for Audi vehicles and the motion picture Avengers: Endgame. (Korsen v. Volkswagen Group of America, Inc., Case No. 21-cv-08893 (C.D.Cal. 2021).) The plaintiff alleges that her works have been displayed in Los Angeles-area galleries and public spaces and that she has worked with major clients like Red Bull, Whole Foods and the City of Los Angeles. According to her complaint, Korsen created an original mural on 7th and Mateo Streets in downtown Los Angeles (i.e. one of those gritty urban landscapes mentioned at the start of this article). The mural can be seen prominently in the Audi/Marvel commercial, which apparently was featured widely on Audi’s official YouTube channel, Facebook Live and at the Los Angeles Auto Show, among other places.

To be sure, this plaintiff’s claim may be subject to numerous challenges and defenses. For one thing, the advertisement ran in 2018, and the plaintiff’s claim is subject to a three-year statute of limitations. So even if the commercial continued to air within three years of the filing date of the complaint, a substantial portion of any profits that might be attributed to the marketing campaign could well be out of the plaintiff’s reach. In addition, it appears that the plaintiff did not actually register her work with the US Copyright Office until November 2019, long after the alleged infringement commenced in 2018. This would mean that the plaintiff may be ineligible for an award of statutory damages (which plaintiffs often elect when their actual damages or the defendant’s profits are difficult to establish) and, importantly, the recovery of attorneys’ fees. And, even if the plaintiff still might be eligible for statutory damages, she would not be entitled to an award of up to $150,000 for each allegedly infringing photograph of her mural, as she demands. The Copyright Act makes clear that a copyright plaintiff may seek only one award of statutory damages for each infringed work, regardless of the number of infringing works.

Whether Volkswagen wins, loses or settles this dispute, one thing is certain: It will have to spend time, effort and attorneys’ fees to achieve a resolution of this plaintiff’s claims. It may also find itself the subject of negative publicity. Automobile manufacturers and other retailers would be prudent to follow some basic steps before releasing this type of advertisement to the public, thereby potentially sparing themselves such costs.

First, a proposed advertisement should be reviewed at the concept and/or script stage for potential third party intellectual property issues. Second, all of the proposed locations for photography or filming should be vetted properly for the presence of copyright-protected artwork, third-party trademarks and the like. Third, the creators of the marketing campaign should discuss with qualified counsel the risks associated with filming or photographing publicly-viewable art and business signage, including: (1) how visible the artwork/signage will be and for what duration; (2) whether the artwork/signage can or should be covered over and/or replaced with approved content prior to filming, or blurred in post-production; (3) whether there is any conceivable fair use or other defense to a potential claim of infringement; and (4) whether it would be prudent to contact the content/signage owner and obtain permission for the proposed use.

©2022 Katten Muchin Rosenman LLP
Article by David Halberstadter with Katten.
For more articles about copyright litigation, visit the NLR Intellectual Property Law section.

Senator Manchin Announces That He Will Not Support the Build Back Better Act – Where Things Stand Now

Today, December 19, 2021, Senator Joe Manchin (D., W.Va.) said that he opposes the Build Back Better Act, which effectively prevents its passage.  While there are no immediate prospects for the Build Back Better Act to become law, future tax acts tend to draw upon earlier proposals.  With a view to future tax proposals, this blog summarizes the final draft that was released by the Senate Finance Committee on December 11, 2021 (the “Build Back Better Bill”), and compares it to the bill passed by the House of Representatives (the “House Bill”) and the prior bill that was released by the House Ways and Means Committee in September 2021 (the “Prior House Bill”), which the House Bill was based on.  In light of Senator Manchin’s announcement, this blog refers to the bills in the past tense.

Summary of Significant Changes to Current Law in the Build Back Better Bill

Individual taxation

  •  A 5% surtax would have been imposed on income in excess of $10 million ($5 million for a married individual filing a separate return) and a 3% additional surtax would have been imposed on income in excess of $25 million ($12.5 million for a married individual filing a separate return). The surtax would have also applied to non-grantor trusts but at significantly lower thresholds – the 5% surtax would apply to income in excess of $200,000 and the 3% surtax would apply to income in excess of $500,000.  The individual income tax rates would have otherwise remained the same as under current law.
  • The 3.8% net investment income tax would have been expanded to apply to the active trade or business income of taxpayers earning more than $400,000. As a result, active trade or business income allocated to a limited partner of a limited partnership or a shareholder of a subchapter S corporation would have been subject to the net investment income tax. Under current law, the tax applies only to certain portfolio and passive income.  Under current law, a limited partner of a limited partnership and a shareholder of a subchapter S corporation is otherwise not subject to self-employment taxes.  The Build Back Better Act would not have had otherwise imposed self-employment taxes on S corporation shareholders or limited partners.
  • The exemption of gains on the disposition of “qualified small business stock” would have been reduced from 100% to 50% for taxpayers earning more than $400,000/year, and all trusts and estates.
  • “Excess business losses” in excess of $250,000 ($500,000 in the case of a joint return) would have been carried forward as business losses (thus remaining still subject to the limitation) and would not have been converted to net operating losses, and the excess business loss provision would have been made permanent. It currently is scheduled to expire in 2026.
  • Losses recognized with respect to worthless partnership interests would have been treated as capital losses (rather than ordinary losses as is often the case under current law), and would have been taken when the event establishing worthlessness occurs (rather than at the end of the year under current law).
  • The wash sale rules would have been expanded to cover commodities, foreign currencies, and digital assets, like cryptocurrency, as well as dispositions by parties related to the taxpayer.
  • The constructive ownership rules would have been expanded to cover digital assets, like cryptocurrency.

Business taxation

  • A corporate minimum tax of 15% would have been imposed on “book income” of certain large corporations. But the corporate income tax rates would have remained unchanged at 21%.
  • 1% excise tax would have been imposed on the value of stock repurchased by a corporation.
  • The interest expense deduction of a domestic corporation that is part of an “international financial reporting group” and whose average annual net interest expense exceeds $12 million over a three-year period would have been disallowed to the extent its net interest expenses for financial reporting purposes exceeds 110% of its proportionate share (determined based on its share of either the group’s EBITDA or adjusted basis of assets) of the net interest expense for financial reporting purposes of the group. The disallowed interest deduction could be carried forward for subsequent years.
  • Losses recognized by a corporate shareholder in liquidation of its majority-owned corporate subsidiary would have been deferred until substantially all of property received in the liquidation is disposed of by the shareholder.
  • Corporations spinning off subsidiaries would have been limited in their ability to use debt of the subsidiary to receive tax-free cash.

International taxation

  • A foreign person who owns 10% or more of the total vote or value of the stock of a corporate issuer (as opposed to 10% or more of total vote under current law) would have been ineligible for the portfolio interest exemption.
  • The Build Back Better Bill would have substantially revise the various international tax rules enacted as part of the Tax Cuts and Jobs Act (“TCJA”), including “GILTI”, “FDII” and “BEAT” regimes.
  • Foreign tax credit limitation rules would have been applied on a country-by-country basis.
  • Section 871(m), which imposes U.S. withholding tax on U.S.-dividend equivalent payments on swaps and forward contracts, would have been expanded to require withholding on swaps and forwards with respect to, or by reference to, interests in publicly traded partnerships.[1]

Proposals Not Included in the Build Back Better Bill

The Build Back Better Bill would not have:

  • Increased individual and corporate income tax rates (other than the surtaxes);
  • Changed the tax treatment of carried interests;
  • Affected the “pass-through deduction” under section 199A;
  • Affected “like-kind” exchanges under section 1031;
  • Increased the cap on social security tax withholding;
  • Changed the $10,000 annual cap on state and local tax deductions;[2] or
  • Treated death as a realization event.

Discussion

Individual Tax Changes

Surtax on individuals

The Build Back Better Bill would have added new section 1A, which would have imposed a tax equal to 5% of a taxpayer’s “modified adjusted gross income” in excess of $10 million (or in excess of $5 million for a married individual filing a separate return).  Modified adjusted gross income would have been adjusted gross income reduced by any reduction allowed for investment interest expenses.  Modified adjusted gross income would not have been reduced by charitable deductions and credits would not have been allowed to offset this surtax.  An additional 3% tax would have been imposed on a taxpayer’s modified adjusted gross income over $25 million (or in excess of $12.5 mm for taxpayers filing as married filing separately).  The surtaxes would also have applied to non-grantor trusts at significantly lower thresholds – the 5% surtax would apply to modified adjusted gross income in excess of $200,000 and the 3% additional surtax would have applied to modified adjusted gross income in excess of $500,000.

As a result, the top marginal federal income tax rate on modified adjusted gross income in excess of $25 million would have been 45% for ordinary income and 31.8% for capital gains (including the net investment income tax).  Nevertheless, the Build Back Better Bill rate on capital gains would have remained meaningfully less than the 39.6% rate proposed by the Biden Administration.

The Build Back Better Bill did not include a change to the individual income tax rates, which was a major departure from the Prior House Bill.  The Prior House Bill included a similar surtax on individual taxpayers, but the threshold was lower at $5 million for taxpayers that file joint returns and the surtax rate was 3%.

The surtax would have been effective for taxable years beginning after December 31, 2021.

Application of net investment income tax to active business income; increased threshold

The Build Back Better Bill would have expanded the 3.8% net investment income tax to apply to net income derived in an active trade or business of the taxpayer, rather than only to certain portfolio income and passive income of the taxpayer under current law.

As a result, the 3.8% net investment income tax would have been imposed on limited partners who traditionally have not been subject to self-employment tax on their distributive share of income, and S corporation shareholders who have not been subject to self-employment tax on more than a reasonable salary. This proposed change was generally consistent with the Biden administration’s proposal to impose 3.8% Medicare tax (although the additional net investment income tax proposed in the Build Back Better Bill would not be used to fund Medicare).

The Build Back Better Bill also would have limited the 3.8% net investment income tax so that it applies only to taxpayers with taxable income greater than $400,000 (and $500,000 in the case of married individuals filing a joint return), rather than $250,000 under current law.

These changes were consistent with the proposals in the Prior House Bill and would have applied in taxable years beginning after 2021.

Limitation on “qualified small business stock” benefits

The Build Back Better Bill would have limited the exemption of eligible gain for disposition of “qualified small business stock” (“QSBS”) to 50% for taxpayers with adjusted gross income of $400,000 or more, as well as all trusts and estates, and would have subjected the gain to the alternative minimum tax.

Very generally, under current law, non-corporate taxpayers are entitled to exclude from tax up to 100% of gain from the disposition of QSBS that has been held for more than 5 years.[3]  In addition, gain from the sale of QSBS can potentially be deferred if proceeds are reinvested in other QSBS.

The same proposal was included in the House Bill and the Prior House Bill.  The Prior House Bill contained a proposal to increase corporate tax rates, which together with the proposed changes to the QSBS rules, would have further limited desirability of investing in QSBS. The Build Back Better Bill, the House Bill and the Prior House Bill only addressed the rules applicable to exclusion of gain from the sale of QSBS, and did not alter the rules allowing for deferral of gains for proceeds invested in other QSBS.   Although the benefits associated with ownership of QSBS would have remained significant, had the Build Back Better Bill passed, in light of the reduction in potential gain that would have been excluded, the Build Back Better Bill would have required a reevaluation of choice-of-entity decisions based on QSBS benefits.

The proposal would have been effective retroactively and apply to sales or exchanges of stock on or after September 13, 2021, which is the date that the Prior House Bill was released.

Excess business losses

Under current law, for taxable years that begin before January 1, 2027, non-corporate taxpayers may not deduct excess business loss (generally, net business deductions over business income) if the loss is in excess of $250,000 ($500,000 in the case of a joint return), indexed for inflation.  The excess loss becomes a net operating loss in subsequent years and is available to offset 80% of taxable income each year.  The Build Back Better Bill would have made this limitation permanent and would treat the losses carried forward to the next taxable year as deduction attributable to trades or businesses, which would have been subject to the excess business losses limitation under section 461(l).  As a result, no more than $250,000/$500,000 in losses could be used in any year, and excess business losses would never have become net operating losses.  Unlike deductions that are suspended under the passive activity rules and at-risk rules that become deductible upon a disposition of the interest in the relevant trade or business, the excess business losses continue to be limited after the sale of the relevant trade or business.

This proposal is consistent with the Prior House Bill and would have been retroactive and apply for taxable years beginning after December 31, 2020.

Worthless partnership interest and limitation on loss recognition in corporate liquidations

Under current law, if a partner’s interest in a partnership becomes worthless, in the taxable year of worthlessness the partner may take an ordinary loss if the partner receives no consideration and a capital loss in all other cases.  As a practical matter, this rule allows for an ordinary loss if the partner has no share of any liabilities of the partnership immediately prior to the claim of worthlessness, or a capital loss if the partner has a share of any partnership liability immediately prior to the claim of worthlessness (because relief of partnership liabilities is treated as consideration received in a sale).  Under current law, if a security (not including an obligation issued by a partnership) that is held as a capital asset becomes worthless, the loss is treated as occurring on the last day of the taxable year in which the security became worthless.

Under the Build Back Better Bill, if a partnership interest becomes worthless, the resulting loss would have been treated as a capital loss (and not an ordinary loss).  Also, in the case of a partnership interest or a security that becomes worthless, the loss would have been recognized at the time of the identifiable event establishing worthlessness (and not at the end of the taxable year).  The proposal would also have expanded the scope of securities subject to worthless securities rules to included obligations (bond, debenture, note, or certificate, or other evidence of indebtedness, with interest coupons or in registered form) issued by partnerships.  These proposals were also included in the Prior House Bill and would apply to taxable years beginning after December 31, 2021.

The Build Back Better Bill would also have deferred the loss that is recognized by one corporate member of a controlled group[4] when a subsidiary merges into it in a taxable transaction under section 331 until substantially all of the property received in the liquidation is disposed to a third-party.  This proposal would effectively have eliminated taxpayers’ ability to enter into Granite Trust transactions to recognize capital losses by liquidating an insolvent subsidiary.[5]  A similar loss deferral rule would also have applied to dissolution of a corporation with worthless stock or issuance of debt in connection with which corporate stock becomes worthless.  This proposal would have applied to liquidations occurring on or after the date of enactment.

Expansion of wash sale and constructive sale rules

The Build Back Better Bill would have expanded the application of wash sale rules and constructive sale rules to cryptocurrencies and other digital assets.

The Build Back Better Bill would also have expanded the wash sale rules to include transactions made by related parties.  The wash sale rules disallow a loss from a sale or disposition of stock or securities if the taxpayer acquires or enters into a contract to acquire substantially similar stock or securities thirty days before or after the sale giving rise to the claimed loss.  The basis of the acquired assets in the wash sale is increased to include the disallowed loss.  Under the Build Back Better Bill, a wash sale would also have occurred when a “related party” to the taxpayer (other than a spouse) acquires the substantial similar stock or securities within the thirty-day period.[6]  More significantly, the disallowed loss in a wash sale triggered by a related party (other than a spouse) would have been permanently disallowed under the Build Back Better Bill. If the Build Back Better Bill had passed, it would have been challenging for certain taxpayers to comply with the related party provisions—and very difficult for the IRS to enforce it.  Under the provision, if a parent were to sell stock at a loss and, within 30 days, her child were to purchase the same stock, the parent’s loss would have been denied, even if neither parent nor child knew about each other’s trades.

The Build Back Better Bill would have exempted from the wash sale rules foreign currency and commodity trades that were directly related to the taxpayer’s business needs (other than the business of trading currency or commodities).  This exception would not have applied to digital assets.

Finally, the Build Back Better Bill would have provided that an appreciated short sale, short swap, short forward, or futures contract is constructively sold under section 1259 when the taxpayer enters into a contract to acquire the reference property (and not when the taxpayer actually acquires the reference property, as current law provides).

The changes were the same as those proposed in the Prior House Bill.  The proposal would have applied after 2021.

SALT deductions

The Build Back Better Bill has a “placeholder for compromise on deduction for state and local taxes”.  This is a key departure from the House Bill, which included an increase to the current annual $10,000 cap on SALT deductions to $80,000 until 2030, at which time the $10,000 annual limitation would apply again.

Business Tax Changes

Corporate alternative minimum tax

The Build Back Better Bill would impose a 15% minimum tax on “book income” of corporations with a 3-year average book income in excess of $1 billion.  A corporation’s book income would have been calculated based on the corporation’s audited financial statement (or if publicly traded, the financial statement shown on SEC Form 10-K), but adjusted to take into account certain U.S. income tax principles.[7]  Because this is a minimum tax, a corporation would have paid any excess amount of this minimum tax over its regular tax for the applicable tax year.  This minimum tax would also have applied to a foreign-parented U.S. corporation if the U.S. corporation has an average annual book income of $100 million or above.

The Prior House Bill did not include this corporate minimum tax based on book income, but the Biden administration’s tax reform proposals included a similar corporate minimum tax for large corporations.  The Build Back Better Bill does not otherwise provide for an increase in corporate income tax rates.

The corporate minimum tax would have been effective for tax years beginning after December 31, 2022.   

Limitation on business interest expense deductions

The Build Back Better Bill would have introduced an additional interest deduction limitation for a U.S. corporate member of an international group that has disproportionate interest expense as compared to the other members of the group.  New section 163(n) would generally have limited the interest deduction of a U.S. corporation that is part of an “international financial reporting group” and has net interest expense that exceeds $12 million (over a three-year period) if the ratio of its net interest expense to its EBITDA (or if an election is made, the aggregated bases of its assets)[8] exceeds by 110% of the similar ratio for the group.

Proposed section 163(n) was similar to what was included in the Prior House Bill, as well as a proposal that was included in the Senate and House bill for TCJA that was ultimately dropped in the conference agreement between the Senate and the House.  This limitation appears to target base erosion interest payments that may not be captured under the BEAT regime (which is further discussed in detail below).

The Build Back Better Bill would also have revised section 163(j) to treat partnerships as aggregates for purposes of applying the business interest expense limitation.  As a result, the section 163(j) limitation would have been applied at the partner level.  Under current law, the limitation, which very generally limits business interest expense deduction to 30% of EBITDA, is applied at the partnership level.   The interest deductions limited under section 163(j) or (n) (whichever imposes a lower limitation) would have continued to be allowed to be carried forward indefinitely (as opposed to 5 years under the Prior House Bill).

The proposals would have been effective for tax years beginning after December 31, 2022.

Limitation on using controlled corporation’s debt in a spin-off transaction

The Build Back Better Bill would have limited the ability of a U.S. “distributing corporation” to effectively receive cash tax-free from a spun-off “controlled corporation” subsidiary.  Under current law, a controlled corporation can issue debt securities to its parent distributing corporation that the distributing corporation can then use to redeem its own outstanding debt on a tax-free basis in connection with the spin-off of the controlled corporation.  The Build Back Better Bill would have required the parent distributing corporation to recognize gain in this transaction to the extent that the amount of controlled corporation debt it transfers to its creditors exceeds (x) the aggregate basis of any assets it transfers to its controlled corporation in connection with the spin-off less (y) the total amount of liabilities the controlled corporation assumes from it and (z) any payments that the controlled corporation makes to it. This effectively would have treated the debt securities issued by a controlled corporation as same as any other property distributed by the controlled corporation (which is commonly called as “boot”).

The proposal would have applied to reorganizations occurring on or after the date of enactment.

Excise tax on corporate stock buybacks

The Build Back Better Bill would have imposed a nondeductible 1% excise tax on publicly traded U.S. corporations engaging in stock buybacks. The tax was to be imposed on the value of the stock “repurchased” by the corporation during the tax year, reduced by value of stock issued by the corporation during the tax year (including those issued to the employees).  The term “repurchase” is defined as a redemption within the meaning of section 317(b), which is a transaction in which a corporation acquires its stock from a shareholder in exchange for property.  Repurchases that are (i) dividends for U.S. federal income tax purposes, (ii) part of tax-free reorganizations, (iii) made to contribute stock to an employee pension plan or ESOP, (iv) made by a dealer in securities in the ordinary course of business, or (v) made by a RIC or a REIT are not subject to the excise tax.  Also, repurchases that are less than $1 million in a year are excluded.

It was unclear how the value of repurchased stock was to be determined in calculating the excise tax amount.  The types of transactions that would have been covered under the proposed rule is also unclear.  The term “repurchase” was very broad and it could have had applied to different types of transactions, such as redemption of redeemable preferred stocks or redemption of stock in a company’s acquisition transaction.  The rule would also have had significant impact on de-SPAC transactions, which involve redemption rights for shareholders of the SPAC.  The Treasury would also have been provided with a broad authority to issue regulations to cover economically similar transactions.

The proposal would have applied to repurchases of stock after December 31, 2021.

International Tax Changes

Portfolio interest exemption

Under current law, a foreign person that owns 10% or more of the total voting power of a corporate issuer of debt is not eligible for the “portfolio interest” exemption, which provides for exemption from withholding on interest paid on certain debt.  Current law does not prohibit “de-control structures” under which the sponsor of a fund will typically invest a small percentage of the capital of a U.S. blocker in exchange for large percentage of its voting stock, thereby ensuring that no foreign investor will own 10% of the voting power of the U.S. blocker and permitting those foreign investors who own more than 10% of the value of the U.S. blocker to take the position that they may avoid U.S. withholding tax on interest received from the U.S. blocker.  The Build Back Better Bill would have revised this exception so that any person who owns 10% or more of the total vote or value of the stock of a corporate issuer would have been ineligible for the portfolio interest exemption.  This change would have prevented the de-control structures.

This proposal, which was also included in the Prior House Bill, would have applied to obligations issued after the date of enactment (i.e., all existing obligations would have been grandfathered).  However, if a grandfathered obligation was “significantly modified” for U.S. federal income tax purposes, it might have lost its grandfathered status.  Also, any subsequent draws on existing facilities that are made after the date of enactment would not have been grandfathered.

GILTI

The “global intangible low-taxed income” (“GILTI”) regime generally imposes a 10.5% minimum tax on 10-percent U.S. corporate shareholders of “controlled foreign corporations” (“CFCs”) based on the CFC’s “active” income in excess of a threshold equal to 10% of the CFC’s tax basis in certain depreciable tangible property (such basis, “qualified business asset investment”, or “QBAI”).  GILTI is not determined on a country-by-country basis, and, therefore, under current law a U.S. multinational corporation may be able to avoid the GILTI tax with respect to its subsidiaries operating in low-tax rate countries by “blending” income earned in the low tax-rate countries with income from high-tax rate countries.  Taxpayers are allowed 80% of the deemed paid foreign tax credit with respect to GILTI.

The Build Back Better Bill would have imposed GILTI on a country-by-country basis to prevent blending of income from a low tax-rate country with income from a high-tax rate country. This general approach would have been largely consistent with the prior proposals made by the Biden administration and the Senate Finance Committee.[9]

The Build Back Better Bill would have determined net CFC tested income and losses and QBAI on a country-by-country basis.  The Build Back Better Bill would have achieved this by using a “CFC taxable unit” – net CFC tested income and loss would have been determined separately for each country in which CFC taxable unit is a tax resident.  The Build Back Better Bill would have allowed a taxpayer to carryover country-specific net CFC tested loss to succeeding tax year to offset net CFC tested income of the same country.  In addition, taxpayers would no longer have been able to offset net CFC tested income from one jurisdiction with net CFC tested losses from another jurisdiction.  These proposed changes on determining net CFC tested income on a country-by-country basis were consistent with the Prior House Bill’s proposals.

The Build Back Better Bill would also have (i) reduced the exclusion amount from 10% to 5% of QBAI, (ii) increased the effective tax rate on GILTI for corporate taxpayers from 10.5% to 15%,[10] and (iii) helpfully reduced the “haircut” for deemed paid foreign tax credit for GILTI from 20% to 5% (i.e., 95% of GILTI amount would have been creditable as deemed paid credit).

The GILTI proposals would generally have been effective for taxable years beginning after December 31, 2022.

FDII

The “foreign-derived intangible income” (“FDII”) regime encourages U.S. multinational groups to keep intellectual property in the U.S. by providing a lower 13.125% effective tax rate for certain foreign sales and provision of certain services provided to unrelated foreign parties in excess of 10% of the taxpayer’s QBAI.  The lower effective tax rate is achieved by 37.5% deduction allowed for FDII under section 250.

The Build Back Better Bill would have reduced the section 250 deduction for FDII from 37.5% to 24.8%, which would have had the effect of increasing the effective rate for FDII from 13.125% to 15.8%.[11]  The Build Back Better Bill further provided that if a section 250 deduction actually exceeded the taxable income of the taxpayer, the deduction would have increased the net operating loss amount for the taxable year and could be used in subsequent years to offset up to 80% of taxable income.

This proposal generally would have been effective for taxable years beginning after December 31, 2021.

BEAT/SHIELD

The “base erosion and anti-abuse tax” (“BEAT”) generally provides for an add-on minimum tax, currently at 10%, on certain deductible payments that are made by very large U.S. corporations (generally, with at least $500 mm of average annual gross receipts) whose “base erosion percentage” (generally, the ratio of deductions for certain payments made to related foreign parties overall allowable deductions) is 3% or higher (or 2% for groups that include banks and securities dealers).

The Build Back Better Bill would have expanded the BEAT regime.  The proposal would have increased the BEAT tax rate gradually from 10% up to 18% by the taxable year starting after December 31, 2024.  The proposal would also have substantially revised the formula for calculating “modified taxable income”, which generally appeared to have increased the income amount that would have been subject to the BEAT regime.  Finally, the Build Back Better Bill would have eliminated the 3%/2% de minimis exception.  These proposals were generally consistent with the BEAT proposals in the Prior House Bill, but with different tax rates.

The Build Back Better Bill did not include the Biden administration’s “Stopping Harmful Inversions and Ending Low-Tax Developments” (“SHIELD”), which had been proposed to replace the BEAT regime.

Changes to Subpart F regime

The Build Back Better Bill would have significantly changed the subpart F regime.  The Build Back Better Bill would have helpfully reinstated section 958(b)(4) retroactively.  Section 958(b)(4) had prevented “downward” attribution of ownership of foreign person to a related U.S. person for purposes of applying subpart F regime.  Section 958(b)(4) was repealed in the TCJA, which allowed stock owned by a foreign person to be attributed downward to a U.S. person for purposes of determining a foreign corporation’s CFC status.

To address the situation that had prompted the repeal of downward attribution, the Build Back Better Bill would have introduced a new section to apply the GILTI and subpart F regimes to a foreign corporation that would have been a CFC if the downward attribution rule had applied, but only if the U.S. shareholder held at least 50% of vote or value of the foreign corporation’s stock.  This regime would have been effective for taxable years beginning after the date of the enactment.

The Build Back Better Bill would also have allowed a U.S. shareholder of a foreign corporation to elect to treat the foreign corporation as a CFC, which may have permitted a taxpayer to exclude foreign-source dividends received from the foreign corporation under the Build Back Better Bill’s amended section 245A (which is discussed below).  The Build Back Better Bill also would have limited the scope of foreign base company sales and services income, which is includible as subpart F income, to sales and services provided to U.S. residents and pass-through entities and branches in the United States, which effectively would have subjected foreign base company sales and services income for non-U.S. sales and services to the GILTI regime.  The Build Back Better Bill also would have amended section 951(a) so that a United States shareholder that receives a dividend from a CFC would have been subject to tax on its pro-rata share of the CFC’s subpart F income (generally negating any deduction under section 245A with respect to the dividend), regardless of whether the shareholder held shares in the CFC on the last day of the taxable year.  Current law requires a United States shareholder to include Subpart F income only if it owned shares of the CFC on the last day of the taxable year.

Foreign tax credits

The Build Back Better Bill would have imposed the foreign tax credit limitation on a country-by-country basis.  Currently, foreign tax credits are calculated on an aggregate global basis and divided into baskets for active income, passive income, GILTI income, and foreign branch income.  The revised rules would have calculated foreign tax credit limitations based on a country-by-country “taxable unit”, which is consistent with the “CFC taxable unit” used under the Build Back Better Bill’s GILTI rules.  Together with the proposed amendments to the GILTI regime, this revision to the foreign tax credit limitation rules would have sought to prohibit taxpayers from using foreign tax credits from taxes paid in a high-tax jurisdiction against taxable income from a low-tax jurisdiction.

The Build Back Better Bill would have made a number of other changes to the foreign tax credit rules, including and repealing the carryback period (which, under current law, is 1 year, but retaining the current 10-year carryforward period for excess foreign tax credit limitation).

This proposal would have been generally effective for taxable years beginning after December 31, 2022.

Dividends from foreign corporations

The Build Back Better Bill would have amended section 245A so that the foreign portions of dividends received only from a CFC (rather than any specified 10-percent owned foreign corporation) would have qualified for the participation exemption (and not have been subject to U.S. federal income tax) under section 245A.[12]  Currently, section 245A allows foreign-source dividends from any specified 10-percent owned foreign corporation (a broader concept than CFC) to be exempt from U.S. tax under section 245A.  Although the provision appeared to narrow the scope of section 245A, as noted above, the Build Back Better Bill would have permitted a taxpayer and a foreign corporation to make an election to treat the foreign corporation as a CFC, in which case the benefits of section 245A would have been available to all dividends paid by the electing foreign corporation (even if U.S. shareholders own less than 10%).  This provision was consistent with the proposal in the Prior House Bill and would have been effective for distributions made after the date of the enactment.

Anti-inversion rules

The Senate Finance Committee’s Build Back Better Bill would have significantly expanded the anti-inversion rules.  Generally, under current law, a foreign acquirer of an inverted U.S. corporation – typically, an existing U.S. corporation that is acquired by a foreign acquirer and whose shareholders continue own the U.S. corporation indirectly through their ownership in the foreign acquirer – is treated as a U.S. corporation for U.S. federal income tax purposes, if the continuing ownership stake of the shareholders of the inverted U.S. corporation is 80% or more.   If the continuing ownership stake of the shareholders of the inverted U.S. corporation is between 60% and 80%, certain rules designed to prevent “earnings stripping” – or deductible payments by the U.S. corporation to its foreign parent – apply.

The Build Back Better Bill would have lowered the 80% threshold in treating a foreign acquirer of an inverted U.S. corporation as a U.S. corporation for U.S. federal income tax purposes to 65%.  The Build Back Better Bill would also have lowered the 60% threshold in applying the earnings stripping rules to 50%.  Finally, the Build Back Better Bill would have expanded the scope of the anti-inversion rules to cover acquisitions of substantially all of the assets constituting (i) a trade or business of a U.S. corporation or partnership, or (ii) a U.S. trade or business of a non-U.S. partnership.

This provision was not included in the House Bill, but it did reflect some elements of an anti-inversion rule proposal by the Biden administration, such as the lowering of the 80% threshold to treat a foreign acquirer as a U.S. corporation for U.S. federal income tax purposes and the expansion of the scope of the rules to cover certain asset acquisitions.  This proposal would have applied for taxable years ending after December 31, 2021.

FOOTNOTES

[1] Unless otherwise noted, all section references are to the Internal Revenue Code of 1986, as amended.

[2] The House Bill contained a provision that would raise the $10,000 cap to $80,000 for 2021 through 2030.

[3] The amount of gain eligible to be taken into account for these purposes by any taxpayer and any corporation is subject to a cap generally equal to the greater of (i) $10 million cumulative exclusions of gain with respect to that corporation and (ii) 10 times the taxpayer’s aggregate adjusted tax bases of QSBS of the corporation disposed of in that year.

[4] Generally, corporations connected through stock ownership of more than 50%.  Section 267(f).

[5] In a Granite Trust transaction, a corporate parent that owns a depreciated subsidiary reduces its ownership in the subsidiary to below 80% before liquidating the subsidiary so that the liquidation is taxable and any built-in loss of the parent in the subsidiary’s stock would have been recognized.

[6] A related party for this purpose includes (i) the taxpayer’s spouse, dependent, (ii) any corporation, partnership, trust or estate that is controlled by the taxpayer, and (iii) the taxpayer’s retirement account and certain other tax-advantaged investment accounts for which the taxpayer is the beneficiary or the fiduciary.

[7] For example, if a corporation owned foreign corporations that are “controlled foreign corporations” for U.S. federal income tax purposes, the corporation would have had to take into account its pro-rata share of such foreign corporation’s book income.  Also, prior year’s net operating losses (calculated for book purposes) could have been used to reduce the book income, but could have only offset 80% of the book income for the subsequent year.

[8] The election to use the aggregated bases of assets in lieu of EBITDA was added in the Senate Finance draft of the Bill.

[9] The Senate Finance Committee’s prior proposal (which included a draft legislation and a section-by-section explanation) provided for mandatory exclusion of high-taxed income.  This approach was different than the Build Back Better Bill, but the general approach of disallowing “blending” of income between high-tax jurisdiction and low-tax jurisdiction was the same.

[10] This would have been achieved by reducing the deduction provided to corporate taxpayers under section 250 from the current 50% level to 28.5%.  The Build Back Better Bill would have not changed the tax rate to be applied to a non-corporate taxpayer’s GILTI amount.  This was a lower rate than what was proposed in the Prior House Bill (37.5%), but the effective tax rate under the Prior House Bill was higher due to the increased income tax rates.

[11] The FDII deduction was higher under the Prior House Bill (at 21.875%), with an effective tax rate of 20.7% (taking into account the increased corporate rate).  The Senate Finance Committee’s prior proposal also stated that the FDII deduction would have been reduced, but did not commit to a specific percentage.

[12] The Build Back Better Bill would have also amended section 1059 so that if a corporation received a dividend from a CFC that was attributable to earnings and profits of the foreign corporation before it was a CFC or before it was owned by the corporation, the non-taxed portion of that dividend would have reduced the basis of the CFC’s stock, regardless of whether the corporation had held the CFC’s stock for 2 years or less.  Therefore, CFC’s dividends that are exempt from tax under section 245A could have been subject to the proposed expanded section 1059.

© 2021 Proskauer Rose LLP.

Just When I Thought I Was Out: Omicron Variant and the Return of Regional COVID-19 Travel Bans

Following its November 8, 2021 move to remove and replace all regional COVID-19 Travel bans with a blanket vaccination requirement, the Biden administration announced a new COVID-19 travel ban on those seeking to enter the U.S. from various African nations.  The new Proclamation bars most non-U.S. citizens who have been physically present in the following countries during the 14-day period prior to attempting to enter the United States:

  • Republic of Botswana

  • The Kingdom of Eswatini (formerly Swaziland)

  • The Kingdom of Lesotho

  • The Republic of Malawi

  • The Republic of Mozambique

  • The Republic of Namibia

  • The Republic of South Africa

  • The Republic of Zimbabwe

Who is covered?

The Proclamation includes several important qualifiers and exemptions. It only applies to “noncitizens” of the United States, but it includes both immigrants (those coming to stay indefinitely) and nonimmigrants (those coming temporarily).

The Proclamation bars entry for noncitizens who have been physically present in the listed countries during the 14 days prior to attempting to enter the U.S., not because of their citizenship. In other words, a South African coming to the U.S. directly from South Africa is barred, but a South African coming directly to the U.S. after 14+ days in Australia is free to enter. Importantly, the Proclamation applies in addition to the blanket vaccination requirement, so anyone seeking an exemption from the new Proclamation must also either be properly vaccinated or qualify under the extremely limited exceptions to the Vaccination requirement.

The new Proclamation does not apply to the following classes:

  • Lawful permanent residents (aka green card holders). The Proclamation does apply to immigrants, meaning it would bar those seeking to enter on immigrant visas to become lawful permanent residents.

  • The spouse of a U.S. citizen or lawful permanent resident.

  • The parent or legal guardian of a U.S. citizen or lawful permanent resident, as long as the U.S. citizen or lawful permanent resident is unmarried and under 21.

  • The sibling of a U.S. citizen or lawful permanent resident as long as both are unmarried and under 21.

  • Noncitizen nationals of the United States.

  • The children, foster children, or wards of a U.S. citizen or lawful permanent resident and certain prospective adoptees.

  • Those invited by the U.S. government to fight the Corona virus.

  • Those traveling on certain crewman and transit nonimmigrant visas.

  • Nonimmigrants in most diplomatic statuses.

  • U.S. Armed Forces members and their spouses and children.

  • Those whose entry would not pose a “significant risk” of spreading the virus as determined by HHS and CDC.

  • Those whose entry would “further important law enforcement objectives” as determined by named agencies.

  • Those whose entry would be in the U.S. national interest, as determined by named agencies. National interest exception (NIE) procedures are still unclear and should be addressed in the near future, including whether prior NIE approvals will be honored.

In addition, the new Proclamation should not affect any applicant for asylum and other related humanitarian relief such as Withholding of Removal or protections under the Convention Against Torture.

How Long Will it Last and are More Travel Bans Coming?

The Proclamation’s ban began on November 29, 2021 and will remain until terminated by the President. On-the-ground case numbers in each country will determine the White House’s willingness to lift travel restrictions, but an increase in numbers in other countries could see an expansion and return to regional travel bans.

The duration of the new Proclamation and its potential expansion to other countries will likely depend on the effectiveness of vaccines against the Omicron variant and any new variants that arise in the coming months. If existing or newly created vaccines are able to combat new variants, the White House will likely rely on its blanket vaccination requirement and not fall back to the Trump-era country-specific regional bans.

© Copyright 2021 Squire Patton Boggs (US) LLP

For more COVID-19 travel updates, visit the NLR Coronavirus News section.

US to Expand Vaccination Requirement for Foreign National Travelers to Include All Land Border Crossers from Canada and Mexico in January

Starting Jan. 22, 2022, the Biden administration will require foreign national travelers engaged in essential travel to be fully vaccinated when crossing U.S. land borders or ferry terminals. Essential travel includes travel for work or study in the United States, emergency response, and public health. The new rules apply to foreign nationals; U.S. citizens and permanent residents may still enter the United States regardless of their vaccination status but are subject to additional testing requirements.

The new rules for essential travelers are in line with those that took effect Nov. 8, 2021, when the Biden administration lifted travel restrictions to allow fully vaccinated travelers engaged in non-essential (leisure) travel to enter the United States.

While much cross-border traffic was shut down in the early days of the COVID-19 pandemic, essential travelers have been able to travel unimpeded via land borders or ferry terminals. Starting Jan. 22, 2022, however, all foreign national travelers crossing U.S. land borders or ferry terminals – traveling for essential and non-essential reasons – must be fully vaccinated for COVID-19 and provide related proof of vaccination. Any exceptions to the vaccination requirement available to travelers at U.S. land borders are expected to be limited, just as exceptions currently available for air travel have been limited. See CDC guidance for details.

©2021 Greenberg Traurig, LLP. All rights reserved.

For more on vaccine requirements, visit the NLR Coronavirus News section.

Not-So-Free Shipping: Yeezy Brand to Pay Us$950,000 Over Late Shipping Under California Consumer Protection Laws

Supply chain disruptions, coupled with a surge in online shopping, have led to overstretched companies and impatient customers. The supply chain crisis1 continues to cause shipping delays across the nation as companies struggle to work around pandemic-related constraints. A recent case in the Los Angeles County Superior Court has put companies and individuals who advertise or conduct business, online or otherwise, in California on notice that failure to adequately communicate with customers regarding accurate shipping times could result in consumer protection law liability for missed shipment deadlines.

On 8 November 2021, the Los Angeles County District Attorney’s Office announced that the high-end sneaker and retail clothing companies, Yeezy Apparel LLC and Yeezy LLC (collectively, Yeezy), will pay US$950,000 to settle a civil consumer protection lawsuit. The lawsuit, filed by district attorneys in Los Angeles, Alameda, Sonoma, and Napa counties, alleged that Yeezy engaged in unlawful business conduct under the California Business and Professions Code (BPC) for failing to ship items in a timely manner and false advertising.2

THE LAWSUIT – CALIFORNIA V. YEEZY APPAREL LLC

In its complaint, filed on 22 October 2021, the state of California alleged that sneaker and apparel brand Yeezy, owned by entertainer Ye (previously known as Kanye West), advertised on its website that customers could expect two to three business days for order processing and an additional three to five days for shipping, but in fact failed to send products within 30 days after certain orders were placed, in violation of California BPC Sections 17538 and 17500.3

Under Section 17538, companies must ship goods within 30 days4 of the customer placing an order unless otherwise conspicuously stated in the advertisement or on the website. Upon determining that a shipment may be untimely, a company may (1) provide a full refund,5 (2) send a written notice to the buyer that offers a full refund and either details the expected duration of the delay or proposes product substitution,6 or (3) ship a substitute product of equivalent or superior quality to the buyer with an option for the buyer to return the product.7

Section 17500 governs untrue or misleading statements, including a prohibition against the advertisement of goods or services with the intent to not sell them as advertised. The statute bars “any advertising . . . which is untrue or misleading.”8 Further, the statute prohibits advertisements that the company either knew or should have known would be misleading.9 Violation of Section 17500 can result in a fine of up to US$2,500, up to six months of imprisonment, or both.10

The state of California’s claims against Yeezy ultimately were resolved by a settlement agreement in which Yeezy agreed to refund future customers whose items are not timely shipped, refrain from making any false or misleading statements regarding shipping times, and pay US$950,000 in civil penalties.

KEY TAKEAWAYS

  • If you are expecting significant shipping delays, promptly send written notices to customers explaining the expected duration of the delay (expressed using a specific number of days or weeks) and offering to provide a refund upon request.
  • If proposing to substitute goods or services, adequately describe the substitute goods or services, fully indicating how the substitution differs from the original order.
  • Provide a toll-free telephone number or another free method for the buyer to request a refund.
  • Include a clear and conspicuous disclosure statement in your advertisements or on your website that notifies customers that shipping times may be delayed due to COVID-19 or other supply chain-related factors.11

With a thorough and proactive response to potentially delayed shipments, retailers can avoid costly litigation and financial penalties and continue to build transparent and reliable relationships with customers.

FOOTNOTES

1 For more information on supply chain disruptions, see Melissa J. Tea and Sarah A. Decker, No Supplies in the Chain, K&L GATES (Oct. 20, 2021).

2 Complaint, California v. Yeezy Apparel LLC, No. 21STCV38971 (Cal. Super. Ct. Oct. 22, 2021).

3 Id. at *3–4. According to the complaint, Yeezy’s alleged untimely shipments had been occurring for at least four years.

4 If the customer applies for an open-end credit plan at the same time as placing an order for products that are to be purchased on credit, the company will have 50 days to comply with § 17538, rather than 30.

5 Cal. Bus. & Prof. Code § 17538(a)(2).

6 Id. § 17538(a)(3).

7 Id. § 17538(a)(4).

8 Cal. Bus. & Prof. Code § 17500.

9 See id.

10 See id.

11 Notably, although Ye partnered with sportswear brand Adidas to sell Yeezy products, Adidas was not included as a defendant in the lawsuit. Adidas displayed a disclaimer on its website that informed customers that shipping times would be delayed due to COVID-19’s impact and related federal, state, and local mandates.

Copyright 2021 K & L Gates

Article By Melissa J. Tea and Kelsi E. Robinson of

For more articles on supply chain, visit the NLR Utilities & Transport section

Eliminating Use of PFAS at Airports May Be Harder Than Congress Thought

Per- and polyfluoroalkyl substances (PFAS) are emerging contaminants that are subject to increasing environmental regulation and legislation, including legislation to outright ban their use in certain products. Congress directed the Federal Aviation Administration (FAA) to stop requiring PFAS in the foams used to fight certain fires at commercial airports, and to do so by Oct. 4, 2021. In complying with this order, FAA shows the difficult tightrope it has to walk to meet the “intent” of Congress’ directive, while not really meeting the goal Congress had hoped for.

The FAA issued Certification Alert (CertAlert) 21-05, “Part 139 Extinguishing Agent Requirements,” addressing the continued use of aqueous film-forming foam (AFFF) in order to meet the Oct. 4 deadline. In Section 332 of the FAA Reauthorization Act of 2018, Congress directed that after this date, FAA “…shall not require the use of fluorinated chemicals to meet the performance standards referenced in chapter 6 of AC No: 150/5210–6D and acceptable under 139.319(l) of title 14, Code of Federal Regulations.”

The CertAlert directs airports to continue using AFFF with PFAS unless they can demonstrate another means of compliance with the performance standards stablished by the Department of Defense (DoD) for extinguishing fires at commercial airports. The FAA alert also reminds airports about the need to test their firefighting equipment. Airports can perform the required testing by using a device that has been available since 2019 which does not require the discharge of any foam. Finally, the FAA also reminded airports to comply with state and local requirements for management of foam after it has been discharged.

The FAA reported in its communication that it began constructing a research facility in 2014 that was completed in 2019 and that it has been collaborating with DoD in the search for fluorine-free alternatives for AFFF. The FAA reported that it has tested 15 fluorine-free foams and found that none of them meet the strict DoD performance specifications that also are imposed on commercial airports. More specifically, FAA said the tested alternative foams had the following failings:

  • Increased time to extinguish fires
  • Not as effective at preventing a fire from reigniting
  • Not compatible with the existing firefighting equipment at airports

AFFF was developed to fight fuel fires on aircraft carriers where the ability to suppress fires as rapidly as possible and keep them suppressed is vital to the health and safety of pilots, crews, firefighters and the ship. The military specification (commonly known as MilSpec) for effective firefighting foams for fuel fires is in place for both military and civilian airports.  For many years, the consequences of the use of AFFF to fight aircraft fuel fires – most specifically, the adverse impact on groundwater and surface water – was not fully appreciated. Only recently has this threat been understood and only even more recently has the management of firefighting debris been directly addressed.

Congress may have thought it was eliminating a threat with the legislation directing the FAA to no longer require airports to use AFFF. But FAA’s latest messaging on AFFF highlights just how difficult it is to find suitable replacements, especially when they also have to meet the DoD’s stringent performance standards. The FAA did invite any airport, if they identify a replacement foam that meets the performance standards, to share that discovery with the FAA. However, it is unclear what that would accomplish when it is the DoD and not the FAA that certifies a particular foam’s performance.

In essence, FAA could not solve the challenge that Congress gave it (approve a fluorine-free foam) and instead used the CertAlert to approve airports to use such foams if they can find them on their own. The bottom line is that inadequate progress has been made to fulfill congressional intent to stop using AFFF at commercial airports, and airports are left with no choice but to use PFAS containing foams.

There is legislative activity in many states to ban products with PFAS and at the federal level there have been legislative actions targeting the same – like removing them from MREs. The FAA’s removal of its mandate to use AFFF without offering a PFAS-free alternative is a particularly visible example of the challenge in transitioning away from reliance on PFAS chemicals.

© 2021 BARNES & THORNBURG LLP

For more on travel and transportation, visit the NLR Public Services, Infrastructure, Transportation section.

How COVID-19 is Impacting Global Supply Chains & How Companies Can Cope

Despite the positive impacts of ongoing safety measures and the development of effective vaccines, global supply chains are continuing to face unprecedented logistical challenges because of the COVID-19 pandemic. Since the emergence of the coronavirus in early 2020, supply chains across the world drastically slowed down for a variety of reasons, including but not limited to disrupted shipping lanes, labor and material shortages and fluctuating demand. Every sector of the economy is affected to some degree, most notably the automotive, tech and medical supply industries.

Global markets face many unknowns as the supply chain returns to normal. The impacts of COVID-19 are far reaching, and it is difficult to determine precisely how long the disruptions will last. Further, late deliveries or no supplies of materials or labor presents a number of legal implications, and many companies affected by the disruptions are looking for guidance on how to proceed.

How Has COVID-19 Impacted the Global Supply Chain? 

According to the Bureau of Labor Statistics (BLS), 4.3 million U.S. workers left their jobs as of August 2021. This 3 percent decrease in the U.S. work force is especially impacting the supply of truckers and warehouse workers which particularly impacts the supply chain. As variants of COVID-19 continue to spread throughout the globe, vaccine mandates and required coronavirus testing leaves employers scrambling to stay compliant amidst being short staffed. These actions are also occurring after a year-long closure of major manufacturers all over the world.

Even with President Biden’s Executive Order 14005, which aims to strengthen domestic supply chains, issues with cybersecurity and labor resignations continue to cause bottlenecks at U.S. ports. Without the necessary workforce to transport goods across the U.S., some ports are facing an 80 percent increase in congestion. As the global supply chain grows more chaotic, President Biden met with officials last Wednesday to discuss the nationwide supply chain bottlenecks, announcing that the Port of Los Angeles will begin operating 24 hours a day, seven days a week to help deal with the bottlenecks. Additionally, major retailers such as Walmart and Target committed to increasing shipping operations during off-hours, with logistics companies FedEx & UPS making a similar pledge.

“In my 40 years of living and working in Southern California, I have never seen container ships off the coast of Malibu, and yet there they are, because there is no more room for them in the parking lots that are the ports of LA and Long Beach,” said Brad Hughes, Member of the Transportation & Logistics Practice at Clark Hill PLC.

How Long Will COVID-19 Supply Chain Disruptions Last? 

It remains to be seen precisely how long the effects of COVID-19 will be felt on supply chains. In many cases, the answer is industry-specific since different industries rely on the global supply chain in different ways. However, in general, it does appear that the problem is unlikely to be resolved before the end of 2021.

“Unfortunately, the supply chain problem is not likely to be resolved before Christmas,” said Mark Andrews, Senior Counsel and member of the Transportation & Logistics Practice at Clark Hill PLC. “There are many grinches involved, from port bottlenecks, driver and truck shortages, to high freight costs and tariffs. These are compounding problems that need simultaneous attention but will take different times to resolve.”

Industries reliant on highly specific, specialized goods, such as semiconductors or rare earth metals, face a particularly long return to normal. Over 60 percent of businesses in the manufacturing industry reported domestic supplier shortages, followed closely by construction companies at just under 60 percent.

“While many project with cautious optimism a mid-2022 chip supply recovery, we do anticipate other supply chain woes well into late-2022,” said Scott Hill, Executive Partner and member of the Corporate Practice Team at Varnum LLP. “Supplies of raw materials such as resin, aluminum, and steel have become unreliable in this volatile market. Long lead times and increased prices for raw materials, especially in the auto space, are projected which will cause significant disruption when a full restart is demanded. Those who have the ability to order materials now will be better positioned to sell to the market.”

How Can Companies Handle COVID-19 Supply Chain Disruptions? 

The supply chain disruptions brought on by the COVID-19 pandemic have wide reaching legal implications, specifically the web of state and federal laws surrounding transportation.

“I would identify uniformity of federal and state transportation law as a badly needed element of ‘legal infrastructure’ to reduce transportation costs and delays,” Mr. Andrews said. “Examples include driver hours, worker classification and up-supply-chain liability for ‘negligent selection’ of motor carriers involved in traffic accidents.”

With there being no signs of the supply chain disruptions ending anytime soon, companies can take steps to manage their supply chain operations. Potential solutions include moving from a sole-source supply chain to a multi-source supply chain, according to Varnum’s Mr. Hill.

“Since the onset of the pandemic, we have worked closely with our clients to optimize their supply chain, whether they were operating under sole-source or multi-sourcing strategies. As you may imagine, multi-sourcing and on-shoring to the extent possible has been particularly important with bottlenecks in the chain across the globe,” he said.

Another consideration for companies experiencing supply chain disruptions is handling claims of delayed delivery, specifically for those in the automotive supplier industry. Mr. Hill said his clients are working daily to remedy automotive industry supply chain issues to ensure expectations are met.

“Many of our clients are in the automotive supplier space and the semiconductor shortage continues to warrant attention and necessitates daily if not hourly conversations up and down the chain to reflect good faith efforts to deliver under the terms of supply agreements,” he said.

Currently, federal agencies and the Biden Administration are responding to supply chain issues, specifically through President Biden’s executive order. The order addresses many of the issues facing supply chains right now, including directing heads of federal agencies to conduct a one-year review on supply chain vulnerabilities.

Conclusion

Even though many of the challenges presented by the supply chain disruptions are ongoing, the announcement from the Biden Administration that ports and retailers are committing to increasing operations to deal with supply chain issues may help ease some of the strain. Additionally, companies can expect more regulatory actions to come later in the year from other agencies.

“Federal agencies are actively undertaking a range of actions in response to recent executive orders and other presidential direction on the nation’s supply chain issues,” said Anthony Campau, Counsel and Director of Government Regulation for Clark Hill.

“Some of those measures are already public, but more detail will likely become visible this fall when the Office of Information and Regulatory Affairs (OIRA) releases the Fall 2021 Unified Agenda of Federal Regulatory and Deregulatory Actions, which will list all regulatory actions currently under development at federal agencies. That publication should offer a helpful window into planned regulatory responses to the nation’s supply chain woes,” he said.

Copyright ©2021 National Law Forum, LLC

For more articles on supply chain, visit the NLR Antitrust & Trade Regulation section.

Captain’s Blog: Fly Me To The Moon

On October 13, 2021, William Shatner (aka, Captain Kirk from Star Trek) flew where few have gone before, taking a ten minute jaunt to the edge of outer space.  The successful flight comes on the heels of other highly-publicized, successful commercial space flights, including the September 15, 2021, SpaceX mission dubbed “Inspiration4” that made history as the first orbital spaceflight with no professional astronauts onboard.  As the era of commercial spaceflight draws ever closer, the space industry is building toward expanded commercial opportunities in space, including private space stations, space hotels, and colonies on the moon and Mars.  So now, as we stand on the precipice of the commercial space revolution, it is important to reflect on the regulatory “learning period” that enabled U.S. commercial space flight to reach this juncture and consider the timing and substance of the regulatory framework necessary to spur our next great leap forward.

In 2004, Congress passed the Commercial Space Launch Amendments Act (CSLAA) regulating commercial spaceflight activities.  Chief among the bill’s significant achievements was (i) the decision to locate all regulatory authority for commercial human spaceflight in the FAA’s Office of Commercial Space Transportation (AST); (ii) the adoption of a regulatory regime for commercial human spaceflight that limited safety requirements for non-crew passengers—now known as “spaceflight participants”—to their informed, written consent to undertake the risks associated with participation; and (iii) the creation of a “learning period” for commercial spaceflight.  Under the “learning period,” the Secretary of Transportation was prohibited from issuing safety regulations beyond the informed consent regime established in the CSLAA.  The “learning period,” originally intended to sunset on September 30, 2015, was extended to October 1, 2023, by the U.S. Commercial Space Launch Competitiveness Act of 2015 (CSLCA).

The CSLCA directed the FAA to release periodic reports on the progress of the commercial space transportation industry towards developing voluntary industry consensus standards that “promote best practices to improve industry safety.”  The reports are intended to provide key industry metrics that might indicate the readiness of both the industry and the Department of Transportation to transition to a safety framework that would include regulations for occupant safety.  As the FAA explained in its first report, these metrics include the industry’s readiness for a formal safety framework (such as the reasons people are traveling in space, the size and complexity of the industry, and the safety of the industry), the industry’s progress in developing a safety framework, and the FAA’s expertise in human space flight safety and its ability to regulate it effectively.  As of the most recent report, issued on February 26, 2019, the FAA concluded the industry was not yet ready for regulation, noting the lack of commercial space flights that had taken place.

That all changed in 2021.  With Blue Origin having completed its second commercial human space flight, we can expect the FAA’s next report in 2022 will look a little different.

The level of government involvement, however, will depend in part on whether a successful industry-led safety framework emerges over the next year.

If the FAA concludes the commercial spaceflight industry has progressed beyond its “learning period,” Congress will likely begin to hold hearings and draft formal legislation to instruct the FAA to begin the process of developing unified safety standards, licensing procedures, and reporting requirements for commercial spaceflight participants.  Among the likely considerations will be whether to continue the informed consent regime or to adopt a more stringent regulatory regime for spaceflight participants more akin to that which is in place for professional astronauts and crew.  We expect Congress and the FAA will explore:

Informed consent: whether the definition of “informed consent” is static or should evolve with science’s understanding of the risks to human exposure to spaceflight.  Currently, the informed consent regime requires that operators disclose the known hazards of space travel to prospective spaceflight participants and receive their written consent.  Some hazards are not yet known or are continually evolving as we gain more experience with time in space, including how exposure to G forces or microgravity could affect spaceflight participants.  To manage liability risk exposure and tailor training guidelines, the industry will have to come to a consensus regarding what a sufficient disclosure to obtain “informed consent” really means.  As the FAA learns more about the risks of spaceflight, we can expect that it may require more detailed disclosures under its regulatory authority to protect human spaceflight participants.

Training guidelines: what level of pre-flight preparation is necessary to ensure the safety of human spaceflight participants.  Congress and the FAA are likely to look at the training regimes companies such as Virgin Galactic, Blue Origin, and SpaceX have voluntarily adopted to prepare their participants for suborbital and orbital flight.  For example, the crew of the Inspiration4 underwent months of training, such as mountain climbing, zero-G and altitude chamber training, and 60-hour week long sessions at SpaceX’s headquarters that included emergency simulations and classroom instruction.

Medical screening: whether there should be baseline health requirements for persons seeking to participate in spaceflight activities.  While there is much uncertainty regarding the medical consequences of space flight, in 2012 the FAA, NASA, and certain medical experts teamed up to draft recommendations for medical screening practices space tourism operators could voluntarily employ.  The resulting “Flight Crew Medical Standards and Spaceflight Participant Medical Acceptance Guidelines for Commercial Space Flight” suggests different screening procedures and risk mitigation techniques for different types of space flights.  This is the kind of report Congress may use to establish policies and regulations related to informed consent, training, and flight guidelines.

Commercial liability: whether and when the liability regime should be amended towards more of an airline liability regime.  The liability regime for accidents that occur during a spaceflight is not fully developed.  Assuming an operator complies with informed consent regulations, spaceflight participants generally cannot hold an operator liable for injuries or deaths that occur during the flight.  But these regulations may not apply to other parties, including the families of any injured party.  Additionally, the initial liability to a launch or reentry licensee for third-party death, bodily injury, or property damage is capped at $500 million.  The Government indemnifies the licensee, spaceflight participant, and other related parties against third party claims above this amount, up to roughly $3 billion.  If liability exceeds $3 billion it reverts back to the licensee.  The statutory requirement that a licensee maintain an insurance policy applicable to space flight participants to cover its first tier of liability is set to expire in 2025.

Accident investigation jurisdiction: whether to assign jurisdiction to investigate accidents that may occur on both private and Federal ranges to the National Transportation Safety Board (NTSB).  There is no clear delineation of jurisdiction for investigating an accident involving spaceflight participants.  The FAA, NTSB, and U.S. Air Force informally agreed the FAA and NTSB will investigate commercial space launch accidents, but that agreement is not binding.

The FAA’s next report is due March 31, 2022.  Given the success and publicity surrounding recent commercial human spaceflights, the industry should anticipate renewed interest in spaceflight legislation from Congress and the FAA and the potential final sunset of the “learning period.”  The commercial spaceflight industry should carefully monitor and track these developments, as new laws and regulations will have a significant impact on how companies operate in the coming years.

Copyright © 2021, Sheppard Mullin Richter & Hampton LLP.
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GovCon Fraud Grounded: Whistleblower Receives Reward for Reporting Aviation Equipment Government Contracting Fraud

The United States Department of Justice settled a case against aviation equipment defense contractor Airbus Defense and Space Inc. (ADSI) for charging improper fees on government contracts. Under the terms of the settlement, the defense contractor paid $1,043,475 to resolve False Claims Act allegations. A former employee of the government contractor reported these improper fees and will receive $157,220 of the government’s recovery.

According to the allegations, the contractor included an unapproved cost rate on contracts, did not accurately disclose fees, and worked out a storage overbilling scheme with a third-party contractor, causing the government to pay more for storage than necessary. To disguise an additional and sometimes undisclosed indirect cost rate, the contractor added what they called an “Orlando Factor” to various price proposals for 62 contracts. Indirect cost rates are a complex portion of government contracting arrangements whereby a contractor attempts to obtain reimbursement for their company’s operational costs. From 2016-2017, this aviation equipment contractor’s “Orlando Factor” was applied in addition to their indirect cost rate approved by the federal agencies with which they were contracting.

The allegations further describe additional fees the contractor tacked onto equipment acquisitions in violation of federal acquisition regulations. Moreover, the contractor listed an unverified affiliate fee on its proposals. Finally, the contractor inflated storage costs by a factor of 10, resulting in General Dynamics passing on $80,000 in storage fees to the U.S. Navy instead of $8,000 in fees.

Defense contracting fraud harms taxpayers; inflating the cost of obtaining equipment can make defense budgets spiral out of control. This particular contractor seems to have found multiple ways to hide costs and pad proposals so as to turn a profit above and beyond their cost of doing business.

A former employee of ASDI reported these fraudulent practices and is being rewarded for speaking up, including receiving funds to pay for their expenses, attorneys’ fees, and costs. The Department of Justice needs whistleblowers to report government contracts fraud. Last year, only 35 defense fraud cases were filed by whistleblowers. With $720 billion spent, more fraud is out there.

© 2021 by Tycko & Zavareei LLP

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Government Contracts, Maritime & Military Law type of law section.