How the NCAA Has Used the Term “Student-Athlete” to Avoid Paying Workers Comp Liabilities

Recently posted in the National Law Review an article by Jared Wade of Risk and Insurance Management Society, Inc. (RIMS) regarding the how and the why of the NCAA’s creation and widespread promotion of the term “student-athlete.”

Anyone who has spent much time following college sports should be aware of the NCAA’s hypocrisy. It demands purity from its “amateur” “student-athletes” while at the same time taking in billions in revenue from their on-field and on-court efforts. And whenever the nation expresses outrage at the revelation of yet another “scandal” in which a player received some compensation for their athletic abilities, there is much hand-wringing and finger-pointing from the sport’s governing body, which in turn imposes sanctions and other penalties against the offending schools and players.

Well, never before has anyone detailed this NCAA hypocrisy better than Taylor Branch did in the latest cover story of The Atlantic, “The Shame of College Sports.”If this sort of stuff interests you, the looooong account is well worth your time to read.

For our purposes, however, the most interesting excerpt chronicles the how and the why of the NCAA’s creation and widespread promotion of the term “student-athlete.” According to Branch, the main reason that former NCAA head Walter Byers, in his own words, “crafted the term student-athlete” and soon made sure it was “embedded in all NCAA rules and interpretations” was because it was an excellent defense against being held liable for workers compensation benefits that those injured in athletic competition could seek.

“We crafted the term student-athlete,” Walter Byers himself wrote, “and soon it was embedded in all NCAA rules and interpretations.” The term came into play in the 1950s, when the widow of Ray Dennison, who had died from a head injury received while playing football in Colorado for the Fort Lewis A&M Aggies, filed for workmen’s-compensation death benefits. Did his football scholarship make the fatal collision a “work-related” accident? Was he a school employee, like his peers who worked part-time as teaching assistants and bookstore cashiers? Or was he a fluke victim of extracurricular pursuits? Given the hundreds of incapacitating injuries to college athletes each year, the answers to these questions had enormous consequences. The Colorado Supreme Court ultimately agreed with the school’s contention that he was not eligible for benefits, since the college was “not in the football business.”

The term student-athlete was deliberately ambiguous. College players were not students at play (which might understate their athletic obligations), nor were they just athletes in college (which might imply they were professionals). That they were high-performance athletes meant they could be forgiven for not meeting the academic standards of their peers; that they were students meant they did not have to be compensated, ever, for anything more than the cost of their studies.Student-athlete became the NCAA’s signature term, repeated constantly in and out of courtrooms.

Using the “student-athlete” defense, colleges have compiled a string of victories in liability cases. On the afternoon of October 26, 1974, the Texas Christian University Horned Frogs were playing the Alabama Crimson Tide in Birmingham, Alabama. Kent Waldrep, a TCU running back, carried the ball on a “Red Right 28” sweep toward the Crimson Tide’s sideline, where he was met by a swarm of tacklers. When Waldrep regained consciousness, Bear Bryant, the storied Crimson Tide coach, was standing over his hospital bed. “It was like talking to God, if you’re a young football player,” Waldrep recalled.

Waldrep was paralyzed: he had lost all movement and feeling below his neck. After nine months of paying his medical bills, Texas Christian refused to pay any more, so the Waldrep family coped for years on dwindling charity.

Through the 1990s, from his wheelchair, Waldrep pressed a lawsuit for workers’ compensation. (He also, through heroic rehabilitation efforts, recovered feeling in his arms, and eventually learned to drive a specially rigged van. “I can brush my teeth,” he told me last year, “but I still need help to bathe and dress.”) His attorneys haggled with TCU and the state worker-compensation fund over what constituted employment. Clearly, TCU had provided football players with equipment for the job, as a typical employer would—but did the university pay wages, withhold income taxes on his financial aid, or control work conditions and performance? The appeals court finally rejected Waldrep’s claim in June of 2000, ruling that he was not an employee because he had not paid taxes on financial aid that he could have kept even if he quit football. (Waldrep told me school officials “said they recruited me as a student, not an athlete,” which he says was absurd.)

The long saga vindicated the power of the NCAA’s “student-athlete” formulation as a shield, and the organization continues to invoke it as both a legalistic defense and a noble ideal. Indeed, such is the term’s rhetorical power that it is increasingly used as a sort of reflexive mantra against charges of rabid hypocrisy.

Today, the term “student-athlete” is intended to carry with it the nobility of amateur athletics that the NCAA epitomizes.

Originally?

It was a good protection for keeping those carried off the field from suing the schools.

Risk Management Magazine and Risk Management Monitor. Copyright 2011 Risk and Insurance Management Society, Inc. All rights reserved.

Mind the Gap: Reducing the Sponsorship Gap Between Men and Women in the Workplace

Recently posted in the National Law Review an interesting  article by Brande Stellings of Catalyst Inc. regarding how a mentor differs from a sponsor and compensation that women face and the gaps in career advancement and compensation that women face

While recently moderating a panel on mentors and sponsors in the workplace, I was struck when one of the panelists, a seasoned, extremely accomplished General Counsel at a prestigious institution, mused aloud that she had had many sponsors in retrospect, but did not know there was a name for it.

This is not surprising.  Everyone knows what a mentor is.  But not everyone knows how a mentor differs from a sponsor.  And recent Catalyst researchindicates it is this critical difference that helps explain the gaps in career advancement and compensation that women face right out of the gate, as well as over time, in comparison to their male peers.  

Statistics regarding women’s advancement in the legal profession are well-known.  The National Association of Women Lawyers (“NAWL”) annual survey of women in AmLaw 200 law firms shows that women’s representation in the equity partner ranks has plateaued at the 15-16% range in the five years since NAWL began the survey.  The MCCA survey of women general counsels in the Fortune500 fares a bit better, with women clocking in just under 19%.  These numbers are not dissimilar to women in US business generally. The annual Catalyst census of women’s representation of Fortune 500 Board directors and executive officers has also stalled out in the 14-15% range.

How do we move off this plateau and get closer to gender parity in our top leadership positions?

For years, many have looked to mentoring as a solution.   Yet, for all the time and resources invested in mentoring, it has not yielded dramatic results. Indeed, Catalyst research has revealed a paradox. According to Catalyst’s landmark study of high-potential MBA graduates, Mentoring: Necessary but Insufficient for Advancement, more women than men reported having mentors, but mentoring provided a much bigger pay-off for men than women.  For example, mentoring was a statistically significant predictor of promotion for men but not for women.   We also found that men with mentors made more than women with mentors in their first post-MBA job – to the tune of $9260.

Why is it that men reap much bigger rewards from mentoring than women in terms of promotion and compensation?

Mentoring: Necessary but Insufficient for Advancement found that although more women than men have mentors, women’s mentors have less clout.  In other words, men are more likely to be mentored by CEOs or other senior executives who are in a position to act on behalf of their protégés.  These powerful mentors act as sponsors.  A sponsor is someone with power and rank and significant influence on decision-making processes.  A sponsor can ensure that a high-performing woman’s work is noticed, that she is put on key projects or client engagements, and advocate for her promotion.

Take the example of a woman partner who is now a leader in her firm and in the profession.  When she first came up for partner at her firm, she and her supporters assumed she would make partner. When she did not, her supporters rallied around her, engaged the support of other partners, including, critically, a member of the partner election committee, and she made partner the following year.

In the example above, note that the most important work of the lawyer’s sponsors was done behind closed doors.  As a sponsor stated in our latest report:

A lot of decisions…are made when you’re not in the room, so you need somebody who can…advocate for you and can bring up the important things of why you should advance. You need somebody or people at that table…speaking for you….I can’t think of a person who rose without a sponsor or significant sponsors.

Catalyst research regarding differences between women and men’s mentors in the high-potential MBA population corresponds to the findings in Catalyst’sWomen of Color in US Law Firms research report.  Of all the groups of lawyers Catalyst surveyed, women of color were the most likely to say they had a mentor, and white men were the least likely to say they had a mentor.  The difference emerges in terms of access to influential mentors.  Women of color were leastlikely to feel their mentors were influential.

Sponsorship does not replace mentoring, by any means.  Mentoring is still necessary, but it is not sufficient on its own.   Good advice without the opportunity to put that advice into action will take one only so far.  As Catalyst research demonstrates, women get a lot of advice, but are not getting ahead.

To learn more about the latest research on sponsorship, and hear from women leaders in the business and legal world, join me at the Seventh Annual National Association of Women Lawyers General Counsel Institute on November 3, 2011 for a panel discussion, Beyond Mentoring: Career Advancement Strategies.  For more information on NAWL’s General Counsel Institute and to register, visit NAWL’s website.

© 2011 Catalyst Inc.

Public Education Teacher Selection Process Not So Simple…

A very interesting article recently posted in the National Law Review  by Denise M. Spatafore of Dinsmore & Shohl LLP regarding WV’s legislature rules for determining who receives both teaching and administrative positions in West Virginia public schools.

If you do a Google search for the “qualities of effective teachers,” 4,920,000 results come up within 15 seconds. Obviously, the placement of the best possible educators in our public schools is important to virtually everyone, but determining how that can be accomplished has been, and continues to be, the subject of much debate and, in West Virginia, the subject of some fairly complex legislation.

Prior to the 1990s, the selection of classroom teachers in West Virginia was required by statute to be based on qualifications. In turn, “qualifications” was not defined, allowing for fairly broad and varied interpretations of what made a teacher qualified. Some believed that the lack of specific criteria allowed for selection decisions based on politics or nepotism, rather than actual teaching skills. Therefore, in 1990, the legislature enacted W. Va. Code § 18A-4-7a, which to this day contains very specific rules for determining who receives both teaching and administrative positions in West Virginia public schools.

There are two sets of seven criteria which are applied to applicants for teaching positions, and the factors used depend upon who the applicants are. If all of the applicants are “new” to the particular county (meaning that they are not currently employed in the county or are substitutes, rather than full-time teachers), the seven criteria applied include:

  1. certification for the position
  2. teaching experience in the subject area
  3. degree level
  4. academic achievement
  5. specialized training
  6. performance evaluations
  7. “other measures or indicators upon which the relative qualifications of the applicant may fairly be judged”

When using this so-called “first set of factors,” county administrators are not required to give any particular factor more weight than others, which allows a lot of discretion in determining which applicant is most qualified for the position. It may be the person who had the best interview, or it might be the teacher with the most relevant experience. As long as each applicant’s qualifications are assessed under each criterion, the board of education may hire whomever they want, absent a totally arbitrary decision that simply can’t be justified.

On the other hand, the “second set of factors,” which is used when any teacher employed in the county applies for a position, must be weighted equally. The second set of criteria contains some of the same categories as the first, including certification, degree level, training and evaluations. However, experience is considered in two separate categories:

  1. total teaching experience (regardless of what subject or grade level)
  2. “existence” of experience in the particular area of the posted position

Therefore, under the second set of factors, a teacher will be given credit for the entirety of his or her teaching experience, regardless of whether it was in the subject area of the position for which they are applying.

Another difference between the two sets of factors is that, when currently employed teachers apply, seniority is considered. There appears to be a common misconception among West Virginians and even among teachers that seniority is the only basis for awarding teaching positions, but this is simply not true. Seniority is only one of seven factors considered, and it must be equally weighted, just like the others. However, a possible source of some of the misconception could be that, in many counties, seniority is used as a tie-breaker when two or more applicants have equal qualifications.

Although school principals do have a statutory right to interview teacher applicants, if the second set of factors is in play, there is simply no legal basis to consider the results of interviews. Whether the legislature intended this or not is unknown, but it is a frustrating provision both for the administrators doing the hiring and for the applicants who may or may not be given the opportunity to demonstrate their attributes during an interview.

Also resulting from the requirements of the second set of factors, when both current employees and outsiders apply for teaching jobs, young or new teachers often have difficulty getting positions. Particularly within the field of elementary education, a very popular certification area for teaching students, young teachers often have to do substitute work for years before being able to “break into” the county system and obtain full-time employment.

While proposed changes to the teacher hiring process have been discussed by the legislature for the past several years, none have been successful to date.

© 2011 Dinsmore & Shohl LLP. All rights reserved.