U.S. House and Senate Reach Agreement on Uyghur Forced Labor Prevention Act

On December 14, 2021, lawmakers in the House and Senate announced that they had reached an agreement on compromise language for a bill known as the Uyghur Forced Labor Prevention Act or “UFLPA.”  Different versions of this measure passed the House and the Senate earlier this year, but lawmakers and Congressional staff have been working to reconcile the parallel proposals. The compromise language paves the way for Congress to pass the bill and send it to President Biden’s desk as soon as this week.

The bill would establish a rebuttable presumption that all goods originating from China’s Xinjiang region violate existing US law prohibiting the importation of goods made with forced labor. The rebuttable presumption would go into effect 180 days after enactment.  The compromise bill would also require federal officials to solicit public comments and hold a public hearing to aid in developing a strategy for the enforcement of the import ban vis-à-vis goods alleged to have been made through forced labor in China.

This rebuttable presumption will present significant challenges to businesses with supply chains that might touch the Xinjiang region.  Many businesses do not have full visibility into their supply chains and will need to act quickly to map their suppliers and respond to identified risks.  Importers must present detailed documentaton in order to release any shipments that they think were improperly detained, a costly and time-consuming endeavor.  Notably, the public comment and hearing processes will guide the government’s enforcement strategy, providing business stakeholders an opportunity to contribute to an enforcement process that could have implications for implementation of the import ban more broadly.

China’s Xinjiang region is a part of several critical supply chains, lead among them global cotton and apparel trade, as well as solar module production.  According to the Peterson Institute:

Xinjiang accounts for nearly 20 percent of global cotton production, with annual production greater than that of the entire United States. Its position in refined polysilicon—the material from which solar panels are built—is even more dominant, accounting for nearly half of global production. Virtually all silicon-based solar panels are likely to contain some Xinjiang-sourced silicon, according to Jenny Chase, head of solar analysis at Bloomberg New Energy Finance. If signed into law, the bill will send apparel producers and the US solar industry scrambling to find alternative sources of supply and prices are bound to increase.

Article By Ludmilla L. Kasulke and Rory Murphy of Squire Patton Boggs (US) LLP

For more legal news and legislation updates, click here to visit the National Law Review.

© Copyright 2021 Squire Patton Boggs (US) LLP

Tribal Cannabis Tourism and Current Status of Federal Legislation Impacting the Cannabis Industry

As Tribes expand their economic endeavors into the cannabis industry, the growth of cannabis tourism is a natural development. Below, we offer details on how cannabis tourism could support Tribal governments’ economic development efforts. We also provide an update on the status of pending federal legislation that could bring positive impacts to the cannabis industry.

Cannabis Tourism

With the pandemic continuing to take a toll on the tourism industry, many U.S. states and territories are exploring ways to help that industry recover. One potential savior for tourism is cannabis. As states went into varying levels of lockdown in early 2020, businesses deemed “nonessential,” including recreational facilities, gyms, bars, restaurants, etc. were forced to shut down. However, early into lockdown, cannabis was deemed “essential” in California, a designation other states with functional cannabis markets quickly adopted. In total, nearly 30 states, along with the District of Columbia and Puerto Rico, deemed cannabis businesses essential. This triggered some major changes in the industry, including:

With all of these changes, cannabis tourism has developed into a potentially rewarding industry that Tribal governments might be able to cultivate as part of efforts to recover economic losses suffered by their tourism and other businesses

What is Cannabis Tourism?

Cannabis tourism is most generally characterized as a destination-based industry that attracts tourists because cannabis is legal in that location. But the industry can take many forms. For example, tourists might visit a dispensary to learn more about the development of cannabis crops, stay at a “bud and breakfast,” tour a cannabis farm or growing facility, or dine at a restaurant with cannabis-infused dishes. Cannabis tourism can also have a positive knock-on effect for many other Tribal businesses.

How can Tribes Participate?

Interested Tribes can create specific cannabis-centered tourist destinations. One example is opening a farm or growing facility that is similar to a wine vineyard, where consumers can tour the facility and sample the products. This concept would serve multiple functions in that the farm would supply dispensaries while providing a tourism destination that would benefit hotels, restaurants, and the local economy.

Another route is to add cannabis tourism into existing tourism infrastructure. Tribes can take advantage of their land base and natural resources by offering cannabis hikes or camping expeditions, where participants are able to experience nature while partaking. Tribes with resort properties can offer CBD-infused massages at their spa, include CBD and hemp products at their gift shops, or offer travel packages designed for cannabis tourists. The idea behind this approach is to utilize the Tribe’s existing tourism infrastructure to provide new cannabis tourism options.

Federal Cannabis Legislation Update

The following is an update on pending federal legislation that would impact the cannabis industry. Summaries of previous cannabis legislative developments are provided in past articles..

The Democrats control both the House and the Senate (with Vice President Harris acting as the tie-breaking vote in the 50-50 Senate) but passing any cannabis legislation in the current Congress might prove difficult. The filibuster rules require 60 votes for a bill to pass the Senate, so any cannabis legislation would need relatively strong bipartisan support.

The future of federal cannabis law remains unclear, but Tribes interested in the cannabis industry can start taking steps now to establish the necessary framework to support this new area of Tribal economic enterprise.

Article By Robert A. Conrad and Laura E. Jones of Van Ness Feldman LLP

For more biotech, food, and drug legal news, click here to visit the National Law Review.

© 2021 Van Ness Feldman LLP

US to Expand Vaccination Requirement for Foreign National Travelers to Include All Land Border Crossers from Canada and Mexico in January

Starting Jan. 22, 2022, the Biden administration will require foreign national travelers engaged in essential travel to be fully vaccinated when crossing U.S. land borders or ferry terminals. Essential travel includes travel for work or study in the United States, emergency response, and public health. The new rules apply to foreign nationals; U.S. citizens and permanent residents may still enter the United States regardless of their vaccination status but are subject to additional testing requirements.

The new rules for essential travelers are in line with those that took effect Nov. 8, 2021, when the Biden administration lifted travel restrictions to allow fully vaccinated travelers engaged in non-essential (leisure) travel to enter the United States.

While much cross-border traffic was shut down in the early days of the COVID-19 pandemic, essential travelers have been able to travel unimpeded via land borders or ferry terminals. Starting Jan. 22, 2022, however, all foreign national travelers crossing U.S. land borders or ferry terminals – traveling for essential and non-essential reasons – must be fully vaccinated for COVID-19 and provide related proof of vaccination. Any exceptions to the vaccination requirement available to travelers at U.S. land borders are expected to be limited, just as exceptions currently available for air travel have been limited. See CDC guidance for details.

©2021 Greenberg Traurig, LLP. All rights reserved.

For more on vaccine requirements, visit the NLR Coronavirus News section.

Biden Signs Largest Climate and Resiliency Infrastructure Bill in U.S. History

Today President Biden signed H.R. 3684, the “Infrastructure Investment and Jobs Act” (IIJA), into law after months of negotiations on both the bill itself and the still pending “Build Back Better Act”. These two measures encapsulate the Biden Administration’s legislative priorities, many of which were rolled out during the campaign. The U.S. Senate passed the IIJA on August 10 by a vote of 69-30. Last week, on November 5, the House of Representatives passed the measure by a vote of 228-206. The months long negotiations resulted in bipartisan support for the IIJA in both the House and Senate.

Broadly, the IIJA:

Provides Funding: The funds provided are appropriated dollars, allowing Executive Branch agencies to distribute funds without further legislative action. The funds provided are for both new and existing federal programs for surface transportation, energy infrastructure, transportation safety, transit, broadband, ports and waterways, airports, drinking water and wastewater. ​

Expedites Permitting: There are several new programs created to support transmission development and streamline the permitting of new energy infrastructure, such as electric transmission

Provides New Authorities and Creates New Programs: Various federal agencies are required to develop new programs and processes, all aimed at deploying clean energy or improving cybersecurity​.

The IIJA represents a monumental investment in all types of infrastructure. However, most significantly, it will provide the largest federal investment since the New Deal in the Nation’s infrastructure and in developing the tools to curb carbon emissions and harden infrastructure to increase resiliency against the current global challenge of climate change. The Department of Energy and other federal agencies will receive $65 billion for power and grid related programs, including grid infrastructure, resiliency investments, clean energy demonstration projects and cybersecurity. An additional $7.5 billion will be available for alternative fueling infrastructure for grants to build public fueling systems, including electric and hydrogen fuels, establish alternative fuel corridors, and find ways to recycle used electric vehicle batteries to be reused as energy storage devices.

In July, our team shared the details of the bill passed by the Senate Energy and Natural Resources Committee. As signed into law, this earlier summary still accurately reflects the details of the funding that will be provided.

Implementation and Timing of Funding: Agencies will now be tasked with standing-up new or expanding existing programs to award federal funds to eligible infrastructure projects. Agency offices will work over the coming weeks to establish grant program parameters, develop, and publish solicitations for applications, set timelines for awards and oversee implementation of awarded funds.

The IIJA included deadlines for some agency actions, requiring that programs be established in 60, 90, or 180 days. Note that many of the agency offices, particularly within the Department of Energy, remain functioning without political appointees. For instance, the Office of Electricity, which will be responsible for issuing $3 billion in grants through the Smart Grid Investment Matching Grant Program, is operating under an Acting Assistant Secretary until the Senate confirms the Biden Administration’s nominee for that post. There are no legal or political impediments to getting funding programs up and running without a political appointee heading any federal office, but political influence on the pace and timing for the process may be limited.

Certain programs will automatically send funds to states through existing formula funding programs. Formula grant programs are non-competitive awards based on a predetermined formula. These programs are sometimes referred to as state-administered programs and are found throughout the federal government. Examples include the Environmental Protection Agency’s Clean and Drinking Water State Revolving Loan program, and the Department of Transportation’s Formula Funds for Rural Areas, and Buses and Bus Facilities formula grants programs. Once the states have received their federal allocations they will then make those funds available through their existing award structure, which may be competitive or formula-based.

How Your Organization Can Apply for Federal Funding Opportunities: As agencies establish parameters for new programs or develop solicitations for existing programs, it is important to engage with the agencies in this process to ensure your project will meet agency program criteria for a funding award, and to ensure solicitations are designed to support your infrastructure projects. Our professionals have had significant success in assisting clients through these processes, and successfully assisted clients in the development of grant applications for awards under both Democratic and Republican Administrations. Contact any of our professionals to learn more about what grant programs your organization may be eligible for, how to engage with the agencies, as well as apply and partner with the federal government to ensure funding is awarded for your project.

What’s Next, Human Infrastructure: The IIJA represents only the provisions in the Biden agenda that were able to earn bipartisan support. The remainder of the President’s priorities are encapsulated in a Budget Reconciliation bill, H.R. 5376, the “Build Back Better Act”, (BBBA) developed by House and Senate Democrats and requiring only a 50-vote threshold in the Senate.

For months, the Build Back Better Act and IIJA and were linked in the legislative process by President Biden and House Speaker Nancy Pelosi (D-CA) who demanded that one not pass without the other. This approach resulted in a rift between the Democratic Party’s moderate and progressive members. While the final outcome for the IIJA resulted in bipartisan votes in both the House and Senate, passage only came after a deal was struck between moderates and progressives within the Democratic Caucus to decouple the IIJA and the “Build Back Better Act”.

House Speaker Nancy Pelosi has publicly said that the “Build Back Better Act” will be brought to the House Floor during the week of November 15. Senate Leadership has made no such promise for timely action. In addition, some House Democrats and some Senators have announced they want to see the details of budget scoring – what individual provisions will cost – from the Congressional Budget Office (CBO) and the Joint Tax Committee – before proceeding. Some limited data has begun to be released by the CBO but not any numbers covering many of the most complex and controversial programs. The schedule may be accelerated if Democrats and Republicans cannot come to an agreement to increase the debt ceiling, a must-pass measure that may need to be included in the Budget Reconciliation process. As negotiations continue, the content of the legislation passed by the House is expected to be altered significantly during Senate consideration. Should that be the case, the House will vote a second time on the measure as amended by the Senate.

© 2021 Van Ness Feldman LLP

Don’t Use “Build Back Better” to Sabotage the False Claims Act

Congress is on the verge of setting a dangerous precedent.  As part of the Build Back Better Act, it has added two provisions equivalent to a “get out of jail free card” for Big Banks that violate federal law when they hand out billions in federal mortgage-related benefits.   The two provisions create exemptions to False Claims Act liability by creating blanket immunity from liability when banks fail to exercise due diligence, violate FHA housing regulations, or even directly violate federal laws such as the Truth in Lending Act.

It is obvious why banks want to have their federally sponsored mortgage practices immunized from exposure to the False Claims Act (“FCA”).  The FCA works remarkably well and is widely recognized as “the most powerful tool the American people have to protect the government from fraud.”   The law has directly recovered over $64.450 billion in sanctions from fraudsters since Congress modernized it in 1986.  During the debates on the massive trillion-dollar infrastructure laws enacted or debated this year, corporate lobbyists have been extremely active in successfully preventing Congress from adding any new anti-fraud measures to protect taxpayers from fraud.  As part of these efforts, they targeted the False Claims Act as enemy #1 and already have blocked one key amendment needed to close some weaknesses in that law.

With the Build Back Better Act, these corporate lobbyists have taken their opposition to effective anti-fraud laws to a higher level.  Instead of trying to repeal the FCA, they are simply exempting Big Banks from liability under that law in two new programs.  It is obvious why the Big Banks want the exemption from FCA liability.  As a result of illegal or irresponsible lending and foreclosure practices, such as those that fueled the 2008 financial collapse, banks have had to pay billions in sanctions to the United States.

Two words explain why the FCA is “the most powerful tool” protecting taxpayers from fraud:  Whistleblowers and sanctions.  If you accept federal taxpayer monies, you are required to spend that money according to your contractual agreement or the law.  The FCA’s first secret weapon is whistleblowers.  The law encourages whistleblowers, known as qui tam “relators,” to report violations of the FCA.  Whistleblowers disclosures trigger the overwhelming majority of FCA cases, and the law incentivizes employees to risk their careers to serve the public interest. The second secret weapon is how you prove liability.  Second, when an institution accepts federal monies (such as banks that operate various federally sponsored loan programs), liability can attach if the institution acts in “deliberate ignorance of the truth” when spending federal dollars.  Similarly, if payments are made with “reckless disregard of the truth,” liability can attach.  In other words, corporations (including banks) that accept federal money must ensure that these monies are spent as required by law, regulation, or contract.  Safeguards must be in place to prevent fraud.  If a bank does not have adequate compliance programs to protect against fraud, it cannot plead ignorance when the law is broken and taxpayers are ripped off.

These two key elements of the False Claims Act are precisely what the banking lobby is attempting to undermine through the Build Back Better Act.  The tactics employed by the Big Banks are somewhat devious.  They are doing an end-run around the False Claims Act by exempting themselves from having to engage in any due diligence when spending billions in federal dollars.  The banks are seeking to add language to the Build Back Better Act that will immunize themselves from liability under the False Claims Act when they make payments in “reckless disregard” to the legality of those payments.  The immunities they are seeking legalize “deliberate ignorance” in the use of taxpayer money, in complete defiance of the False Claims Act. Thus, whistleblowers who report these frauds will be stripped of protections they have under the False Claims Act, and the federal government will have no effective way to recover damages from these frauds.

What language in the Build Back Better Act creates an exemption to False Claims Act liability?

Two highly technical provisions are deeply buried within the 2135 pages of the Build Back Better Act’s legislative text. The provisions are sections 40201 and 40202 of the Build Back Better Act.  These two sections establish helpful programs that will provide needed financial support to first-generation homebuyers.  Section 40201(d)(5) would provide $10 billion in down payment assistance. Section 40202(f) would give an interest rate reduction on new FHA 20-year mortgage products to first-time homeowners with a potential value of $60 billion.  But the banking lobby has corrupted these otherwise well-meaning programs. The exemptions obtained by the banks are incubators for massive fraud.  It permits the Big Banks to escape any liability when they abuse the generosity of taxpayers and dole out billions to unqualified individuals.

How do the exemptions work?  To qualify for these taxpayer-financed benefits, an applicant simply has to “attest” that they are first-time/first-generation homebuyers.  That would be the end of the inquiry a bank would need to approve making a payment from the billions allocated in these two programs. Anyone could simply stroll into a bank and “attest” to being such a first-time homebuyer and would thereafter qualify for the federal benefits.  The banks would not be required to do any diligence of their own to confirm the borrower’s eligibility.  Willful ignorance would be legalized.  Reckless disregard in the handling of taxpayer monies would be permitted under this law.  Safeguards, such as requiring banks to adhere to the Truth in Lending Act, which requires verification of a borrower’s statements, would not apply.

Under Sections 40201(d)(5) and 40202(f), banks will not be held liable once they are lied to, even if the bank has reason to know that the borrower is not eligible for the federal payout.  Banks can spend taxpayer money even if the information on an applicant’s loan application directly contradicts the borrower’s attestation that they are a first-time homeowner.  Given the lack of any compliance standards, the temptation to engage in fraud in these programs will be overwhelming.

Permitting banks to escape liability under the False Claims Act opens the door to paying billions of dollars in benefits to unqualified persons.  Such payments rip off the taxpayers and severely hurt all honest first-generation homebuyers denied benefits.  For every fraudster who benefits from this program, an honest homebuyer will be left in the cold due to the reckless disregard of the banks.

Congress should never use a back-door procedure to undermine the False Claim Act, as it sets a dangerous precedent.  It is a devious way to undermine America’s “most effective” anti-fraud law.  Instead of undermining the False Claims Act by granting immunities to Big Banks, Congress should be strengthening anti-fraud laws to protect the taxpayers and ensure that the trillions of dollars spent on COVID-19 relief programs and infrastructure improvement are lawfully spent in the public interest.

Copyright Kohn, Kohn & Colapinto, LLP 2021. All Rights Reserved.

For more articles about banking and finance, visit the NLR Financial, Securities & Banking section.

H.R. 3684: Infrastructure Investment and Jobs Act

On November 5, the U.S. House of Representatives approved a $1.2 trillion infrastructure spending bill that will make historic investments in core infrastructure priorities including roads and bridges, rail, transit, ports, airports, the electric grid, and broadband.

The legislation, titled the Infrastructure Investment and Jobs Act (“IIJA”), will have major implications for states and municipalities of all sizes, as well as the entities involved in responding to governments’ needs for hard and cyber infrastructure.

Improvements to roadways, ports and mass transit are the focus of the legislation and the majority of the funding is targeted at these traditional hard infrastructure projects. U.S. Senator Rob Portman (R-OH) has championed the massive infrastructure bill and pushed for its passage.

This weekend, Senator Portman noted the massive impact the IIJA will have on Ohio, highlighting the bill’s bridge investment program which will award competitive grants to certain governmental entities to improve the condition of bridges. “This additional federal funding means we are one step closer to a solution for the Brent Spence Bridge,” Portman said.

The Brent Spence Bridge, which connects Cincinnati, Ohio with Covington, Kentucky has one of the busiest trucking routes in the nation. Questions about its safety and long shutdowns for repair have long concerned area residents as well as the business owners responsible for the more than $400 billion of freight which passes over the bridge every year.

While hard infrastructure priorities like bridge maintenance, port modernization, freight rail, and highway improvements account for a majority of the new spending appropriated by the bill (which totals $550 billion over five years), a sizable portion is dedicated to the expansion of broadband networks and the improvement of cybersecurity.

The new cybersecurity grant program and record-setting investments in broadband development could be game changing for state and local leaders wishing to modernize and protect their communities in these ways.

The U.S. Senate approved the IIJA in August 2020. Friday’s vote means the infrastructure bill will now move to the desk of President Joe Biden, who has indicated a bill signing ceremony will happen soon. Answers to questions about the billions of dollars in new infrastructure grants and programming are below.

Question: How will the money be distributed? 

Answer: The IIJA contains formulaic allocations of funds as well as earmarks and competitive grants. Some categories and sub-categories contain both non-competitive and competitive grants.

  • NON-COMPETITIVE FUNDING ALLOCATION PROCESSES
    • Formulas dictated by the bill are based on criteria like state population, or, potentially for specific items, users (ex: transit funds potentially determined by ridership)
    • Once the money is directed to the states, the local bureaucrats are able to make the important decisions about which projects deserve the funding.
    • States can also decide to allocate some of the funding to the county or city governments within their state
  • EARMARKS AND COMPETITIVE GRANT PROCESSES
    • Earmarks override state plans for how infrastructure funds should be spent. “Earmarks come out of the money that the state was going to get anyway.”
    • Localities must compete for Competitive Grants via an application process. The U.S. Department of Transportation’s Discretionary Grant Process is officially outlined on their website.
    • Generally, the award of competitive grants can be influenced by advocates who confer with decisionmakers in the Executive Branch about the merits of certain proposals.

Question: Which projects will qualify for funding?

Answer: The bill details specific funding streams for the specific projects included in its provisions. Categories of projects included in the $550 billion in new spending are below.

  • Roads, Bridges, & Major Projects: $110B — Funds new, dedicated grant program to replace and repair bridges and increases funding for the major project competitive grant programs. Preserves the 90/10 split of federal highway aid to states.
  • Passenger and Freight Rail: $66B — Provides targeted funding for the Amtrak National Network for new service and dedicated funding to address repair backlogs. Increases funding for freight rail and safety.
  • Safety and Research: $11B — Addresses highway, pedestrian, pipeline, and other safety areas (highway safety accounts for the bulk of this funding).
  • Public Transit: $39.2B — Funds nation’s transit system repair backlog, which includes buses, rail cars, transit stations, track, signals, and power systems. This allocation also includes money to create new bus routes and increase accessibility to public transit for those with physical mobility challenges.
  • Broadband: $65B — Funds grants to states for broadband deployment and other efforts to address access issues in rural areas and low-income communities. Expands eligible private activity bond projects to include broadband infrastructure.
  • Airports: $25B — Increases Airport Improvement grant amounts for runways, gates, & taxiways and authorizes a new Airport Terminal Improvement program.
  • Ports and Waterways: $17.4B — Provides funding for waterway and coastal infrastructure, inland waterway improvements, port infrastructure, and land ports of entry through the Army Corps, DOT, Coast Guard, the GSA, and DHS.
  • Water Infrastructure: $54B — Provides a $15 billion for lead service line replacement and $10 billion to address PFAS in water, in addition to other items.
  • Power and Grid: $65B — Funds grid reliability and resiliency projects and support for a Grid Development Authority; critical minerals and supply chains for clean energy technology; key technologies like carbon capture, hydrogen, direct air capture, and energy efficiency; and energy demonstration projects from the bipartisan Energy Act of 2020.
  • Resiliency: $46B — Funds cybersecurity projects to address critical infrastructure needs, flood mitigation, wildfire, drought, coastal resiliency, waste management, ecosystem restoration, and weatherization.
  • Low-Carbon and Zero-Emission School Buses & Ferries: $7.5B — Funds and authorizes the adoption of low-carbon and zero-emission school buses, including through hydrogen, propane, LNG, compressed natural gas, biofuel, and electric technologies. Provides support for a pilot program for low emission ferries and rural ferry systems.
  • Electric Vehicle Charging: $7.5B — Funds alternative fuel corridors and a national build out of electric vehicle charging infrastructure. The federal funding will have a particular focus on rural and/or disadvantaged communities.
  • Reconnecting Communities: $1B — Provides dedicated funding for planning, design, demolition, and reconstruction of street grids, parks, or other infrastructure (funding is especially targeted at infrastructure which is deteriorating due to age).
  • Addressing Legacy Pollution: $21B — Funds to clean up brownfield and superfund sites, reclaim abandoned mine lands, and plug orphan oil and gas wells, improving public health and creating good-paying jobs.

Article By Katherine M. Caprez of Roetzel & Andress LPA

For more legislative and legal news, read more from the National Law Review.

©2021 Roetzel & Andress

Historic Vote in Congress Aims to Protect State Cannabis Programs

By a vote of 267 to 165, the United States House of Representatives (the “House”) passed a bipartisan amendment protecting state cannabis programs and its users from federal prosecution.

Named after its co-founder, Representative Earl Blumenauer (D-OR), the Blumenauer amendment explicitly prohibits the United States Department of Justice (the “USDOJ”) from utilizing federal tax monies to enforce the federal prohibition of marijuana in states that have legalized cannabis.

The Blumenauer amendment constitutes a significant diversion from prior Congressional action on state cannabis programs.  Since 2014, Congress has enacted similar appropriations riders which only protected state medical cannabis programs.  The Blumenauer amendment, however, protects all state cannabis programs.  Thus, for the first time, the House has passed an amendment protecting the recreational consumption of cannabis.

Regarding funding, the USDOJ is simply no different than any other federal agency.  Without proper funding, an agency cannot enforce or otherwise impose its mandate on behalf of the federal government.  Thus, for all intents and purposes, the Blumenauer amendment validates state cannabis programs and protects those operating under them.

While the Blumenauer amendment still requires passage through the Senate and President Trump’s signature, the House’s actions are a historic step forward for the federal legalization of cannabis in the United States.

© Steptoe & Johnson PLLC. All Rights Reserved.
This post was written by Ryan D. Ewing and Joshua L. Jarrell of Steptoe & Johnson PLLC.
For more on marijuana laws see the National Law Review page on Biotech, Food & Drugs.

Huge Anti-Robocall Measure Passes In the Senate: Here is Your Definitive Guide to How TRACED Alters the TCPA Worldscape

The TRACED Act passed the Senate and is on its way to the House for consideration by the Democratic-lead lower chamber.

But what is exactly is TRACED and why is it so important? As the Czar of the TCPA World it falls on me to provide a nuts and bolts perspective of TRACED—and just in time for Memorial Day weekend. Below is your definitive guide to the TRACED Act and what to expect if/when the bill becomes law.

First, it is important to recognize that TRACED does not create a new statutory scheme. Rather it modifies and enhances the existing Telephone Consumer Protection Act (“TCPA”) in a manner that assures the TCPA will remain the official federal response to the current robocall epidemic in this nation. That means that all of the TCPA’s broad and ambiguous terminology—such as “automated telephone dialing system” and the identity of the enigmatic “called party”—take on enhanced importance as the statute is exalted to “crown jewel” status. It also means that the pending constitutional challenges to the TCPA have even greater import. Understanding the TCPA is, therefore, more critical than ever before as TRACED moves toward becoming law.

As TCPAWorld.com is already filled with articles and resources to help you understand the TCPA, this article will not pause long on these background issues. But here is the bedrock: thou shalt not use regulated technology—whatever that may be—to call cell phones without the express consent—whatever that means—of the called party—whoever that is. So far so good?

Most importantly, TRACED grants the FCC explicit authority to implement its Shaken/Stir framework for call authentication and anti-spoofing technology. TRACED provides that not later than 18 months after passage, the FCC shall “require” a provider of voice service to implement the STIR/SHAKEN authentication framework in the internet protocol networks of the voice service provider.  “STIR/SHAKEN” is specifically defined to mean “the secure telephone identity revisited and signature-based handling of asserted information using tokens standards proposed by the information and communications technology industry.” That, in turn, means that wireless carriers have to transmit, receive, and interpret certain data packets containing authentication information so every carrier knows whether every call is legitimately being received by a true number authorized by another carrier. That, in turn, means that YOU should always know whether a phone call can be trusted or not. So far so good.

TRACED also required the FCC to implement rules regarding when a carrier is permitted to block calls that fail Stir/Shaken authentication, and to implement a safe harbor for calls that are improperly but accidentally blocked by carriers. This particular portion of TRACED has raised a lot of concern with industry groups that fear their legitimate messages will not be delivered due to the potential for wireless carriers to aggressively block messages utilizing non-public, vague or shifting standards or algorithms. To address this concern the amended version of TRACED allows callers who have been “adversely affected” by call blocking to seek redress:  TRACED requires the FCC to establish “a process to permit a calling party adversely affected by the information provided by the call authentication framework… to verify the authenticity of the calling party’s calls.”

Interesting, no?

TRACED also requires the FCC to initiate anti-spoofing rulemaking with an end goal to help protect consumers from receiving spoofed calls. Most importantly, TRACED directs the FCC to consider and determine “the best means of ensuring that a subscriber or provider has the ability to block calls from a caller using an unauthenticated North American Numbering Plan number.” This portion of TRACED is rather vague and the directive to the FCC seems to be “figure it out”—we’ll keep an eye on developments surrounding any potential FCC rulemaking proceeding if and when TRACED passes the House.

All of this is good to neutral news for TCPAWorld residents. The mandated enhancements to carrier technology should help assure that more calls are answered as consumers feel safe to use their phones again. And it should mean that we all experience a dramatic reduction in spam and scam calls. Not bad.

But TRACED also makes critical and potentially disastrous changes to the TCPA enforcement environment, potentially shifting enforcement activity away from the expert agency in this field—the FCC—and to other agencies that are less experienced in this field. Specifically, TRACED requires the creation of a “working group” including:

  • the Department of Commerce;
  • the Department of State;
  • the Department of Homeland Security(!);
  • the Federal Communications Commission;
  • the Federal Trade Commission; and
  • the Bureau of Consumer Financial Protection(!!).

This working group is specifically charged with figuring out how to better enforce the TCPA. Specifically, these agencies must determine whether Federal laws inhibit the prosecution of TCPA violations and encourage and improve coordination among agencies in the prevention and prosecution of TCPA violations. Translation: Congress wants more TCPA prosecutions and enforcement actions and is asking every federal agency with an enforcement arm to figure out how to make that happen. Perhaps scariest of all—the working group is specifically asked to determine whether State AG’s should be invited to the table:  the working group must consider “whether extending civil enforcement authority to the States would assist in the successful prevention and prosecution of such violations.” Eesh.

TRACED also affords additional (and clearer) authority to the FCC to pursue TCPA enforcement actions. Where the TCPA is violated willfully TRACED allows the FCC to seek a new and additional penalty of $10,000.00 per violation. That means if a bad actor acts badly and contacts cell phones knowing he or she lacks consent the FCC can seek to recover $10,000.00 for each one of those phone calls plus (apparently) the forfeiture penalty of up to $16,000.00 per violation that is already available under the general provisions of the Telecommunications Act. So TRACED appears to raise the maximum per call penalty for violating the TCPA to $26,000.00 per call! Notably, TRACED represents the first Congressional enactment that clearly defines the FCC’s forfeiture authority respecting illegal phone calls.  TRACED also expands the timeframe the FCC has to pursue actions for intentional misconduct to three years from one year.

To avoid confusion, let me be clear TCPAWorld– the penalties available in a civil suit remain $500.00 per call— and up to $1,500.00 per call for willful violations— where a private party is bringing suit. TRACED would not alter or amend this private right of action. And uncapped TCPA class actions remain a threat after TRACED.

TRACED also requires the FCC to prepare an annual report specifying the number of complaints it received related to robocalls and spoofing, and identifying what enforcement actions the Commission had undertaken in that same period of time.

Finally, for those of you already facing litigation, TRACED was designed not to have any impact on your case.  Section (b) of TRACED specifies: “[t]he amendments made by this section shall not affect any action or proceeding commenced before and pending on the date of enactment of this Act.” So work hard to get sued before the Act passes in the House. I’m kidding. Sort of.

So there you have it. A deep dive TRACED discussion you can read poolside or while working the ‘cue. Enjoy the ribs TCPAWorld.

 

© Copyright 2019 Squire Patton Boggs (US) LLP
This post was written by Eric J. Troutman of Squire Patton Boggs (US) LLP.

Trump to End DACA Program?

Indications are that President Donald Trump likely will end the DACA (Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals) program while signaling the Administration’s willingness to work with Congress on an alternative program. Vice President Mike Pence, speaking in Texas, noted, “President Trump has said all along that he’s giving very careful consideration to that issue and that when he makes it he’ll make it with, as he likes to say, ‘big heart’.”

Since 2012, close to 800,000 people brought to U.S. illegally as children have been allowed to remain in this country with work authorization – their deportations having been “deferred.” Eliminating DACA was a staple of Trump’s campaign, but, once he became President, he indicated that it would be a hard decision to make and even noted that the “dreamers” “should ‘rest easy’ about his immigration policies.” The Administration’s decision on whether to discontinue DACA has been made more urgent by a number of Republican attorneys general and the Texas Governor’s announcement that they will ask a federal judge to rule on the legality of DACA by September 5 if the President does not announce he is ending the program.

President Barack Obama put DACA into place by way of an executive order as a temporary measure when Congress failed to enact immigration reform that would protect these individuals because, he believed, “It [was]. . . the right thing to do.”  Ending DACA likely will mean that new applications for status and work authorization will not be accepted and existing authorizations will not be renewed once they expire.

Hundreds of tech and business leaders sent a letter to the President and Congressional leaders expressing their support for DACA. It said, in part:

All DACA recipients grew up in America, registered with our government, submitted to extensive background checks, and are diligently giving back to our communities and paying income taxes. More than 97 percent are in school or in the workforce, 5 percent started their own business, 65 percent have purchased a vehicle, and 16 percent have purchased their first home. At least 72 percent of the top 25 Fortune 500 companies count DACA recipients among their employees.

Senator Orrin Hatch (R-Utah), who supports tougher immigration enforcement, tweeted that he has “urged the President not to rescind DACA . . . .” Speaker Paul Ryan (R-Wis.) has done the same.

Should DACA be rescinded, it would be up to Congress, working with the Administration, to agree upon legislation to provide legal status to these individuals.

This post was written by Michael H. Neifach of Jackson Lewis P.C. © 2017
For more legal analysis go to The National Law Review

Comey’s Testimony Underscores Need for Strong Whistleblower Protections

For me, the most telling moment of former FBI Director Jim Comey’s June 8th testimony occurred early in the hearing, when Mr. Comey choked up as he recalled the White House’s publicly stating that the President had fired him because the “FBI was in disarray.”

This emotional display seemed out of character for Mr. Comey. While U.S. Attorney for the Southern District of New York, he successfully prosecuted organized crime. As Deputy Attorney General during the George W. Bush Administration, Mr. Comey refused to sign an extension of the warrantless domestic spying program and defied the White House Counsel and Chief of Staff. Mr. Comey can fairly be described as a “tough guy.” So how did he go from leading the most powerful law-enforcement agency worldwide to being labeled a “leaking liar”?

To an experienced whistleblower advocate, Mr. Comey’s predicament is not surprising. Mr. Comey’s experience, unfortunately, is like those of many whistleblowers I have represented over more than a decade. President Trump promised to bring a business approach to government—and his retaliation against Mr. Comey is straight out of the corporate defense playbook. Corporations typically take the following steps of escalating retaliation to silence whistleblowers:

Intimidate and Silence the Whistleblower

In his June 8th testimony, Mr. Comey described in detail how the President had asked him to drop the investigation of Michael Flynn and had conditioned Mr. Comey’s job on “loyalty” to him. Senator Rubio expressed skepticism about Mr. Comey’s feeling intimidated by the President and blamed Mr. Comey for not pushing back. But that type of Monday-morning quarterbacking ignored the power dynamics of the conversation. Mr. Comey wanted to keep his job and was understandably reluctant to accuse the President of obstructing an investigation.

Whistleblowers often confront this intimidation tactic in the workplace. A supervisor or senior company official tells the whistleblower to “let it go,” “mind your own business,” or learn to be a “team player.” And in some cases, the whistleblower is told to shut up if he or she wants to remain employed. Threats of retaliation, whether express or implicit, are powerful tools to silence a whistleblower. When a company officer or senior manager orders a subordinate to do something unlawful or to cover up unlawful conduct, holding firm to one’s ethical values is not an easy avenue to follow. As Mr. Comey learned, refusing to carry out an unlawful order may be career suicide, at least in the short term.

Retaliate Swiftly and Severely Against the Whistleblower

Initially, the bizarre method of firing Mr. Comey seemed surprising for a President who perfected the art of firing on his reality show, The Apprentice. Mr. Comey was not given an opportunity to resign; he was not even notified that he had been fired. But now that we know about the President’s real motive for firing Mr. Comey, it’s clear that his tack was deliberate.

Mr. Comey learned of his firing while addressing FBI agents at a Los Angeles field office when the announcement flashed across a television screen. The White House had announced Mr. Comey’s firing without notifying Mr. Comey himself. President Trump sent a loud and clear message to Mr. Comey and to every senior government official about the consequence of disloyalty.

In the corporate workplace, whistleblower-employees are similarly humiliated as a warning to their colleagues. A whistleblower may be escorted out of the office with security guards while other employees are present, pulled out of a meeting and fired on the spot in front of colleagues, or simply fired via text message. When a corporation fires a whistleblower in this humiliating fashion, it ensures that all other employees know the consequence of whistleblowing.

Badmouth the Whistleblower and Their Work History

Firing Mr. Comey in a humiliating and offensive manner served only as phase one. President Trump then defamed Mr. Comey and asserted that he fired him because of chaos within the FBI, as well as the alleged loss of confidence in Mr. Comey among FBI agents.

These statements stand in stark contrast to the President’s repeated, public praise of Mr. Comey before Mr. Comey refused to comply with the President’s “hope” that Mr. Comey drop the investigation of Flynn. Indeed, if President Trump believed that Mr. Comey’s leadership caused chaos within the FBI, then why did the President invite Mr. Comey to continue to serve as FBI Director?

This patent distortion of Mr. Comey’s performance record is an all-too-common experience of whistleblowers. Prior to blowing the whistle, they receive strong performance evaluations and bonuses; they are valued members of the team. But once they blow the whistle and refuse to drop their concerns, they are suddenly deemed incompetent and unqualified for their position. And when a company realizes that it lacks any existing basis to fire the whistleblower, it creates one by subjecting the whistleblower to heightened scrutiny and setting the whistleblower up to fail. For example, a company might place the whistleblower on a performance-improvement plan that contains impossible objectives, and then fire the whistleblower for not meeting those unattainable goals.

This tactic may backfire and enable a whistleblower to ultimately prevail at trial, but the damage to the whistleblower’s reputation is permanent. Prospective employers are reluctant to hire someone who previously fired for poor performance and are especially reluctant to hire a whistleblower. Many whistleblowers never find comparable employment and must accept lower-level positions, earning a fraction of what they did before their wrongful termination.

Attack the Whistleblower’s Credibility

Apparently, President Trump has no evidence to rebut Mr. Comey’s vivid account of the President’s alleged attempts to obstruct justice. So President Trump called him a “liar.”

Desperate to defend themselves at all costs, corporations frequently employ this tactic—labeling the whistleblower a disgruntled former employee who will say anything to win his or her case. So far, this is not working well for President Trump, whose accusation merely serves to shine a spotlight on his own questionable credibility.

Attacking a whistleblower’s credibility is an effective and pernicious tactic in many whistleblower cases. Once expelled from a company, a whistleblower is marginalized and alienated from former coworkers. The key witnesses continue to work at the company and, fearing retaliation, are reluctant to corroborate the whistleblower’s testimony. Though whistleblowers may still prevail (for example, by using documentary evidence), the attack on a whistleblower’s credibility is odious because the company fired the whistleblower precisely for having integrity.

Create a Post-Hoc Justification for Firing the Whistleblower

Prior to firing Mr. Comey, President Trump papered the file with a post-hoc justification for the firing. After the President decided to fire Mr. Comey, Deputy Attorney General Rod Rosenstein was tasked with drafting a memorandum to the Attorney General outlining concerns about Mr. Comey’s performance. Most of those concerns focus on Mr. Comey’s statements about the investigation of former Secretary of State Hillary Clinton’s use of a private email server. Surely President Trump knew of those public statements when he repeatedly asked Mr. Comey to remain as FBI Director (as long as he could pledge “loyalty” and drop the Flynn investigation).

In this case, the White House’s initial reliance on the Rosenstein memo as the basis for the decision to fire Mr. Comey backfired because President Trump told NBC anchor Lester Holt that he had decided to fire Mr. Comey regardless of the memo. In many whistleblower-retaliation cases, however, these types of pretextual memos may be persuasive. Some judges even rely on such memos, which mask the real reason for a firing or other adverse action, to grant the company summary judgment and deny the whistleblower a jury trial.

On the other hand, creating a post-hoc justification for a retaliatory adverse action sometimes misfires by providing strong evidence of pretext and spurring a jury to award punitive damages. For instance, a former in-house counsel at Bio-Rad Laboratories recently secured more than $11 million in damages at trial in a Sarbanes-Oxley whistleblower-retaliation case. The jury awarded $5 million in punitive damages because Bio-Rad had backdated a negative performance evaluation of the whistleblower that the company drafted after it fired him.

Focus on the Whistleblower’s Alleged Misconduct

To distract attention from what may be obstruction of justice, President Trump and his attorney have focused on Mr. Comey’s leak to the press and have alleged that the leak was unlawful. This accusation seems frivolous because Mr. Comey did not leak classified information, grand jury material, or other sensitive information. Instead, he revealed that President Trump had conditioned his continued service as FBI Director on his agreeing to drop the investigation of Flynn. As a private citizen, Mr. Comey has a constitutional right to blow the whistle to the media about this matter of public concern. Mr. Comey did not reveal to the media information from FBI investigative files or classified information. Yet President Trump and his allies compare Mr. Comey to leakers who illegally disclosed classified information. This is an appalling accusation against the former head of a law-enforcement agency.

But this is another standard corporate defense tactic in whistleblower cases. To divert attention from the wrongdoing that the whistleblower exposed, the company uses its substantial resources to dig up dirt on the whistleblower. The company or its outside counsel examines the whistleblower’s timesheets and expense reports with a fine-tooth comb to find any discrepancy, reviews every email to find some inappropriate communication, and places all of the whistleblower’s work under a microscope to find any shortcoming.

Sue the Whistleblower and Initiate a Retaliatory Investigation

Firing Comey, concocting a pretextual basis for the firing, and branding him a leaking liar apparently was not sufficient retaliation.  So shortly after his testimony, President Trump’s personal attorney announced his intention to sue Mr. Comey and/or file a complaint with the Department of Justice Office of Inspector General (OIG).  I am skeptical that a civil action against Mr. Comey or an OIG complaint poses any real legal threat to Mr. Comey.  To the contrary, such a complaint would likely pose a greater risk for President Trump, including potential counterclaims and the risk of being deposed or questioned under oath by the OIG.

The misuse of legal process against corporate whistleblowers, however, is an especially powerful form of retaliation in that it can dissuade a whistleblower from pursuing their claims.  When I defend against this form of abuse of process, I am always struck at the seemingly endless resources that the company will spend to prosecute claims lacking any merit or value.  Fortunately, these claims can go awry by spawning additional retaliation claims under the whistleblower protection laws.  And a jury can punish the employer for subjecting the whistleblower to abuse of process.

Why Whistleblowers Deserve Strong Legal Protection

In light of Mr. Comey’s distinguished record, he will likely bounce back and rebuild his career. But most corporate whistleblowers never fully recover. Too often they find their careers and reputations destroyed. Even when whistleblowers obtain monetary relief at trial, they are usually blacklisted from comparable positions, especially if they work in a small industry.

Mr. Comey’s experience as a whistleblower is a stark reminder of what can happen to any employee who is pressured by a powerful superior to engage in unlawful conduct or to cover up wrongdoing. When intimidation tactics succeed, the public suffers. The company could be covering up threats to public health or safety, environmental contamination, financial fraud, defective products, or any other conceivable harmful wrongdoing.

Courageous whistleblowers who put their jobs on the line deserve strong protection. As Congress embarks on a mission to gut “job killing” agencies, let us hope it will spare the very limited resources that are spent enforcing whistleblower-protection laws. Without such a large backlog of whistleblower cases, OSHA could have, for example, addressed the complaints of Wells Fargo whistleblowers years ago, potentially curbing or halting the bank’s defrauding of its customers. And Congress should consider filling the gaps in existing whistleblower laws. If Mr. Comey “lacked the presence of mind” to explicitly reject the President’s improper demand for him to drop the Flynn investigation, then surely most employees would also be reluctant to refuse an order to commit an unethical or unlawful act.

After Mr. Comey’s testimony, Speaker Ryan pointed out that “[t]he President’s new at this. He’s new to government.” Mr. Comey’s testimony should be a lesson for the President about how to treat whistleblowers. To make America great again, the President should abandon the Rambo litigation tactics that apparently served him well in New York real-estate disputes, and instead view whistleblowers as allies, not as enemies. As Tom Devine of the Government Accountability Project and I argue in an article in the Emory Corporate Governance and Accountability ReviewDraining the Swamp Requires Robust Whistleblower Protections and Incentives.

This post was written by Jason Zuckerman of Zuckerman Law.